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PKK message on the 40th anniversary: We will definitely win

On its 40th anniversary, the PKK calls for "strengthening the struggle for freedom against the murderous fascist regime in every area and for creating conditions in which Chairman Öcalan can live and work freely."

The Executive Committee of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) has issued a statement on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the PKK.

"We are completing the 40th year of the foundation of our party PKK and entering the 41st year of freedom struggle”, said the PKK statement.

The PKK congratulated the 40th year for all party members, patriotic people, guerrilla forces, youth and women’s movement, revolutionary-democratic circles, saluted the actions and celebrations for the anniversary, remembered the martyrs of the struggle and wish success to those who fight freedom and democracy.

The statement recalled that PKK emerged with the goal of confronting the genocide imposed on Kurdistan and creating Kurdish existence and freedom as the genocidal regime on Kurdistan built a global capitalist modernity system.

The PKK pointed to the ongoing resistance in all four parts of Kurdistan basing on the mentality, theoretical, philosophical and political course that Leader Abdullah Öcalan defined as the ‘Democratic Modernity Theory’ in his defences during his resistance in İmralı. PKK said this course is spreading to the entire Middle East and the world today, becoming the liberation weapon of all those oppressed.

The statement continued:

"The Leadership of New Freedom that originated in Kurdistan 40 years ago has been carried into the region and out into the world and today has become a universal Leadership. 40 years ago, the sun of freedom shone in Kurdistan and today gives its light to the whole world.”

“A hope for liberation”

PKK underlined that: "The developments of the past 45 years are based on the reality of Chairman Apo and the PKK. While the primitive and reformist Kurdish nationalism was defeated and the real socialism entered the phase of dissolution, the reality of chairman Apo and the PKK arose as a new hope for freedom and liberation. It is this reality that all the developments that have taken place in the name of existence and freedom in Kurdistan in the past 40 years are based on.”

“PKK made the Middle East a freer place"

The statement remarked that; “Through its courageous struggle in recent years against al-Qaeda, ISIS, the AKP and the MHP fascism, the PKK has made the Middle East and the world a freer place.

The Kurds under the Leadership of the PKK have become the decisive freedom force protecting the peoples of the Middle East and the humanity with the courageous resistance it has developed against reactionary-fascist states and governments that use Islam.

This reality has been proven by the historic resistance mounted by the brave guerrilla forces and our people against fascism, occupation and genocide in all four parts of Kurdistan, from Deir ez-Zor to Dersim, from Afrin to Serhat and from Amanos to Bradost.

“Break the isolation, tear down fascism”

"On this basis, we are entering this 41st year of our party and struggle history. The Central Committee of our party and the leadership of the KCK and HPG have held their regular annual meetings, critically and self-critically assessing the 40th year of struggle, basing on the Leader and martyrs and drawing rich lessons from it.

As a people and as a party, we enter the 41st year in an even more resolute, planned, prepared and challenging manner.

We call the 41st year of our party’s struggle the year in which the isolation will be broken, fascism will be torn down and Kurdistan will be liberated. On this basis, our people and all our friends are called upon to strengthen the struggle for freedom in all areas and to fight for the conditions in which the President Öcalan can live and work freely. Indeed, actions in the four parts of Kurdistan and abroad are being enhanced. On the one hand, while celebrating the 40th anniversary of our party, on the other hand, actions are spreading everywhere under the motto 'Break the isolation, tear down fascism'.”

“US decision brings the conspiracy back to the agenda”

The US, which already planned and executed the plots of October 9 and February 15, has put a bounty on three leaders of our party and issued arrest warrants to counter the described revolutionary developments. It is crystal clear that this decision brings the international conspiracy that began 20 years ago back to the agenda. At the same time, it is an admission that the twenty-year conspiracy has failed. The decision also shows that the struggle of the Kurdish people under the leadership of the PKK has frustrated all possible forms of fascism. It thus becomes clear who the real force behind fascism, from al-Qaeda to the AKP-MHP, is. The decision also proved that the PKK will be the winner in its 41st year.

Even though we, as a movement and as a people, are in a much stronger position in all respects compared to the situation of 20 years ago, it is important to regard the said US decision as important as a new conspirator attack and to develop a corresponding attitude and struggle.

We are in a situation in which everyone, all of us, the revolutionary-patriotic cadres, parties and administrative structures in Kurdistan must be vigilant, and undertake an active stand and struggle against this conspirator aggression that aims to accomplish the genocide of the Kurds. Against the fascist-genocidal attacks, we must further develop the Kurdish democratic unity and enhance the struggle for liberation to respond to this conspiracy.

“We will definitely win”

It is obvious that, in the 41st year, the PKK, as in previous years, will lead a comprehensive liberation struggle against the fascist-genocidal attacks. It has become clear that the fascist forces are in a weak and divided position against such a struggle. The fascism of ISIS and Al-Qaeda has been defeated. The fascism of the AKP-MHP is in rapid decline and is about to collapse. Comparing the situation with that of twenty years ago, the attacks through which fascist politics and mentality are trying to stay on their feet are much more scattered and weaker. In contrast, we are much better prepared as a movement and have many more allies. It is possible to make the new attacks fail and to smash the system manifesting in the form of the fascist AKP-MHP dictatorship. In the 41st year, as a movement and as a people, we will use all our strength to break down the fascism of AKP-MHP and to carry out a comprehensive resistance based on the revolutionary people's war. We will definitely win.

First and foremost, we congratulate Chairman Apo and all comrades, our people and our friends on the day of our Party, and call upon all to better understand the reality of the Leader and the PKK, to be even more alert and organized to the attacks of the fascist regime to increase resistance in all areas and to create the conditions under which Chairman Apo can live and work freely!”
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The PKK foundation in Sakine Cansız's words

On the day in which the PKK was formed, 39 years ago, ANF reprints excerpts of an interview in which Sakine Cansız, who co-founded the party, remembers the atmosphere of those years, the feelings, the hope and the first congress.

Sakine Cansız, a co-founder of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) was killed in Paris, at the Kurdistan Information Office, on 9 January 2013.

She was shot dead along with two other Kurdish women and political activists. Fidan Doğan, representative of the Kurdistan National Congress (KNK) in Paris and Leyla Şaylemez, member of the Kurdish youth movement.

The Kurdish Liberation Movement made up of a group of Kurdish and Turkish youths, known as Apoist (pro-Öcalan) and -national liberation groups till 1978, became a party following the first congress held in the house of the Zoğurlu family, which supported the organization since its formation, in the Fis village of Diyarbakır's Lice district on 26-27 November. The PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party, Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan) has become a public movement addressing millions during the 39 years that have passed since the first congress which had been attended by 22 delegates.

On the day in which the PKK was formed, 39 years ago, ANF reprints excerpts of an interview in which Sakine Cansız, who co-founded the party, remembers the atmosphere of those years, the feelings, the hope and the first congress.

Cansız had told about her first years in the Kurdish struggle and her search for a free life. She told about the details of how she met revolutionaries of Kurdistan, how she was affected by them and how she joined revolutionary activities in the Kurdistan territory. Here is what she said:

We were young in 70's but the developments in the country, Deniz Gezmiş and his comrades, as well as the Kızıldere incident, all made an impression on us. There was an intense repression in Dersim where there was a public sympathy for the revolutionary movement and its leaders and brave fighters. It was in 1969 that people in Dersim started to raise some question marks in minds when the performance of a theater play about Pir Sultan Abdal was denied permission in the city. The denial of permission led to a conflict environment and a civilian, Mehmet Kılan, was killed in the conflict and some other people were arrested under the martial rule. All these happenings created a perception in general but there was still no awakening in terms of patriotism and Kurdishness. Dersim territory was mainly dominated by a revolutionary and left-wing approach in general, as well as the CHP-leftism and Karaoğlan (Ecevit) leftism. This political conception also had an influence on us, but it mainly influenced the revolutionary movement.

It was a good coincidence for me that some comrades were often visiting a house near our house in this period of revolutionary impressions and searches. Fuat, Mazlum and Şahin Dönmez were paying visits to students living in that house. Left-wing groups were the dominant part in these gatherings. They would give special attention to us, giving us magazines to read. However, I never felt satisfied with this revolutionary ideology as I felt like there was something else I was looking for and I was going to find. Despite the common sympathy and interest in revolutionaries, I never felt ready and always refused to take a part in this movement. Those people's way of life had an effect on us and even the other people living in the neighborhood who would describe those people as 'quite different'. They had a seriousness in their relations, their visits, their sense of dress and everything else. I built a relationship with those people but

I was always out of the ordinary in their circle as I was making a point of different issues. I was living a contradiction, with the revolutionary impression on one side and with other issues in my mind on the other side. Neither me myself nor the comrades could make sense out of my situation.

I was later told that Mazlum comrade had at that time told his comrades to take a close interest in me, saying that I could be a good revolutionary fighter. He told them that they were wrong about me. After that, a comrade visited our house one day and told us the history of Kurdistan. Me and my siblings all listened to him with great interest and till late hours after his leave, we told each other about what he had told us. Everything he said was of importance for us because I learned from his telling that we were Kurd and came from Kurdistan.

Impressed by the ideology of this movement, I started to live a contradiction with my family who were in different ways preventing us from taking part in the revolutionary movement. As it became me clearer that my family in Dersim was not going to allow me to take an active part in the movement, I left my family and secretly went to Ankara. Maybe it was just our weakness to fail to convince the family and to provide proper conditions so that I could stay and join the fight there. However, as a woman, I couldn't display a strong resistance against all those pressures and approaches. As I developed a strong will to absolutely take part in the movement and to dedicate my everything to it, I objected to the pressures and insisted on revolutionism.

I knew that some comrades were studying at the faculty of political sciences in Ankara [at Ankara University], where I thought I could build new relations. On the second day, I went to the faculty where at the campus I saw a group of friends sitting under acacia trees. After a short while, I noticed Kıymet's brother from Erdoğan family. He also saw and recognized me, stood up and came near me. Ten meters far from the group, we started to talk. He asked me what I was doing there, to which I replied 'I am looking for comrade Ali Haydar Kaytan and other comrades. As he said 'I hope nothing's wrong', I told him that I had escaped from home. He was glad to hear it and congratulated me for he was for the first time witnessing something like that. He said Kaytan wasn't there and that he had gone to Dersim. 'We have friends here' he said, showing the group sitting under the trees. The leader was also there, he was wearing glasses.

This was the first time I saw the leader, the second time was when I saw him in İzmir later. We later gathered near the Faculty of Law at the campus. The leader was discussing with some people from other left-wing groups. We were listening to the arguments of the leader with a great attention. In that period we came across several other times, each of which had caused excitement in me as we were paying great attention to each word he was saying, trying to understand them. The first time I saw the leader close and joined a debate with him was in Elazığ and in the house of Karasungurlar family in Bingöl. The leader put forward arguments, evaluations and questions on many subjects.

We had this kind of gatherings in our circle in 1975, while in '76 relations were maintained on the basis of training activities. From time to time we used to gather, held meetings and acted together in debates and marches. In August of '76, I returned to Ankara, but without having a disengagement with the environment in Kurdistan. Then I didn't stay in Ankara because of the conditions and went to İzmir. After a period of detention here, I returned to Ankara in early '77. With a certain group, we conducted training activities before we went back to Kurdistan in the same year.

We have been giving an ideological struggle from the very beginning against denial, social chauvinistic impression, primitive and nationalist approaches. The struggle which first began against all these factors, was also reciprocating in debates and relations at schools and neighborhoods.
It was after I was released from the Buca Prison in İzmir that I heard the news about the death of Aydın Gül and Haki Karer. This incident had an influence on our approach towards the Turkish left-wing movement in the areas and metropolitan cities we were active in. We developed more intense criticism as we felt the need to give a much sharper ideological fight. They were talking about an internationalist duty and brotherhood with the Kurdish people but killing our comrades on the other hand.
The leader made his first speech in Elazığ which at that time witnessed a rapid progress in Dev-Genç's and our movement in the city.

The leader came to Elazığ, then we went to the village of Birvan in Keban. Comrades from both movements were there, listening to the systematic but calm speech of the leader as he was putting forward the Kurdish question and proposals for its solution. His speech was followed by that of a member of Dev-Genç who mostly quoted passages from books, from Lenin and from magazines. Kurdistan was in that period regarded as the new colony. Then the leader spoke once again, commenting on the subjects on the table in a calm, constructive and impressive way. Everyone was listening to him carefully. The meeting lasted till late night and ended up with a comprehensive assessment. The leader also developed criticism against the denial of the Kurdish question, wrong analysis on his approach about Kurdistan, the regime and system in Turkey, the state in general and the approach towards socialism.

In a short time, our movement became a political power, it went beyond a youth movement in '75, '76 and '77. At first, our movement had mainly an influence on the student youth movement, then the qualified and militant youth at schools and in all areas we were active in. It changed the environment at schools. To give an instance, there was a teacher's training school which was dominated by fascist and Turkish left-wing circles. In a short time, fascists left the school which after that witnessed the development of an ideological Kurdish struggle. Our movement faced denialism as an obstacle preventing our expressing and representing ourselves. This obstacle was as a matter of course leading to an ideological conflict. It was after the killing of comrade Aydın Gül that the use of violence was brought to the agenda. Resorting to violence was as a matter of fact a necessity against this obstacle, and we grounded our movement on ideological and political struggle and revolutionary violence. Necessary defense was actually a way of struggle that our movement based on since the very beginning. The majority of left-wing and Kurdish primitive-nationalist groups therewith started to develop an ideological conflict with us, while we were at the same time being attacked by the reactionary feudal-tribalist structure in Kurdistan. We were being attacked because of the fact that our movement was leading to an awakening in the society and criticizing the system and the structure it created.

As all these groups were standing against us, we gave an effective total struggle against these circles in all areas to protect our own presence. We intensely discussed on the ways of struggle for which the leader always put forward a pattern of fight basing on the mass and people.
The fight against fascist circles in Elazığ also had an influence on groups inside these circles, which were made up of Kurds organized by the MHP (Nationalist Movement Party). A group of around 70 people severed their ties with the nationalist circle, while on the other hand some other groups from the Turkish left-wing and KUK (Nationalist Libertarians of Kurdistan) movement also joined our organization. Our struggle also led to an disintegration in other structures.

The draft program of our organization was distributed to us in '78. We were in Elazığ at that time and we were told to read and concentrate on the draft program. We were expecting this program to lead us to a different way of work. The draft program was not given to a broad circle in our movement, we were few people who were reading the program, while on the other hand searching the history of parties and revolutions in other countries. We were discussing on how those parties had been established. Then we went to the congress all together.
It wouldn't be wrong to say that our movement lived an escalation in '77, and that we reached a larger mass in '78. Some comrades named the delegates and decided on their number because of the remarkable security problem which was an obstacle to the participation of more people in the congress. It was only some representatives of regions that attended the congress, a group of 23 or 24 people. With great excitement and the will to serve the orders of the movement, me, comrades Cuma and Hüseyin Topgider went to the congress as the delegates from Elazığ. We were doing what we were being told to do, this was the approach displayed in the staff structuring and the sense of duty. Some among us dissociated themselves from the movement as they couldn't take up the challenge, but the others were completely determined to fight on the revolutionary way of Kurdistan with no concerns nor doubts.

Our approach towards comrades Haki Karer and Kemal Pir was quite different. We treated them with great respect and sympathy because of the fact that they came from Turkey and took part in our movement since the very beginning, as the senior comrades of the leader. The influence and power of the leader was no doubt particular for us but these two comrades also meant much to us. In our debates, we would always mention their names and appreciating their leading roles in our movement. Despite our ideology against primitive-nationalist circles, social chauvinist and denialist groups would continuously accuse us of nationalism. In this respect, these comrades set an example in our movement. We all found the death of comrade Haki quite difficult, particularly him being killed by an agent provocateur named Sterka Sor. I myself also cried when I saw their posters. It was significant that comrade Haki had been chosen as a victim, for he was important for both the Kurdish and Turkish people and had a representative power that united the struggles, demands and longings. In this respect, the targeting of this representation was regarded as a danger directed at the closest comrade of the leader. This incident brought along the need to give a more serious fight. With the determinant approach of the leader, an organization was brought into existence in Kurdistan.

We went to the congress on a bus. On the way to there, we took a break in Maden. A comrade was waiting for us when we reached there. Me and Cuma then went to the house where the leader was waiting. He was sitting, with some books standing before him.

He asked us about our preparations and whether we had read the draft program or not. Me, Kesire, the leader and comrade Cuma took the way to the congress with a taxi. Along the way, the leader asked about the villages we were passing by on our route. If I am not mistaken, the driver was comrade Seyfettin, someone from the Zoğurlu family. Kesire didn't even say a single word, while Cuma was sometimes answering the leader's questions. Some other comrades were already there when we reached the village of Fis. The others came after us and the Congress officially began after everyone came.

Of course we didn't know all delegates at that time. The leader, Hayri, Mazlum, Abbas, Fuat, Davut, Resul Altınok, Mehmet Turan, Mehmet Şener, Ferzende Tahaç, Baki, Ali Gündüz were all there. Karasungur wasn't there. Me and Fatma were the only women attending the congress. The leader asked Hayri to preside the council. He made the opening speech in which he made an evaluation on the purpose and aims of our movement and explained the reasons for the arising of the need for such a work and organization. Following his evaluation, the draft program was read and reviewed. Mazlum, Hayri and other comrades expressed their opinions about some subjects. Then the regulation was discussed in detail. Everything was being read and watched with great attention. You could breathe the environment of great experience and responsibility there. You could feel the responsibility which seemed to be getting heavier every passing moment. The environment arose a feeling that the revolution wasn't going to be easy and needed to be led with great patience and attention. All delegates from all regions told about the works in their regions.

Our movement displayed a self-critical approach since the very beginning. During the congress, a debate took place about the factors, elements, structures and people that constituted an obstacle in the areas of struggle. The debate focused on the treatment of these obstacles and a struggle to be given against them. Many comrades said they didn't find themselves suitable for elections for the central management. Some proposed Mazlum, Hayri and Cuma, while Şahin proposed himself, to which the leader responded 'maybe'. The names were later decided, consisting of the leader, Karasungur and Şahin. We were told that the central management would be enlarged at another meeting. The management staff was therewith determined and enlarged at the meeting in April. The debate on the name of the party didn't last long and there were not many proposals put forward. Communist Party was also among the proposals but it was later decided on Kurdistan Workers' Party. At the closing speech, the leader assessed the results of the congress which lasted two days. All of us turned back to our areas after the meeting.

The next day we got back to Elazığ with the excitement of the congress and the duties and responsibilities it laid on us. We didn't mention about the congress very much and kept it secret. A liveliness and intense period of work started to be developed at committees after the congress. Our preparations made an appearance at Newroz. It was in Elazığ region in particular that gave an answer to Maraş Massacre which was mainly supported by fascist circles from Elazığ. The state was making preparations for leading to other similar massacres in Sivas, Elazığ, Bingöl by creating an Alevi-Sunni conflict. We made a move before they did.

They chose Maraş as a weak link and used the already existing Alevi-Sunni conflict in that region. Besides, the massacre was a response to the birth of a ground leading to the organization, unity, awakening and common will of the Kurdish people. The massacre aimed to intimidate our movement. Had they been able to find some other ground and had we failed to take precautions and respond to it with our struggle, they may have tried doing the same thing in some other places too.

I had a region-level responsibility in the organization, I was taking part in the regional committee. In early '78, I stayed in Bingöl for some time before I came to Elazığ where I stayed until the congress and after that. After the congress, I was assigned a duty in propaganda-agitation works in predominantly in Antep and then in Elazığ in time. We were producing our notice papers, leaflets and other means of propaganda and agitation and sending them to other regions. I stayed in Elazığ and took an active part in works until I was arrested.

Our purpose was to declare the congress with an expansive act targeting reactionary centers, particularly some tribal structures that applied intense pressure on the people. However, we delayed our act because of the arrest of some of us. It was only the leading staff that knew about the congress but still kept it secret inside the organization. Still, others were feeling that we were advancing towards a new organization and structuring.
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KCK celebrates the 40th anniversary of the PKK ✌️✌️✌️❤️💛💚

KCK celebrated the 40th anniversary of the PKK and said, “We are calling on all our people to rise up wherever they are to raise the struggle to break the isolation imposed upon Leader Apo, defeat fascism and free Kurdistan.”

KCK (Kurdistan Communities Union) Executive Council Co-Presidency issued a written statement on the 40th anniversary of PKK’s founding. KCK stressed that it has been 40 years since the founding congress of the PKK held on November 27, 1978 and added that the 40th anniversary is being celebrated with enthusiasm everywhere the Kurdish people, Kurdistanis and their allies live. KCK said, “We celebrate the founding day of the party for Leader Apo, all our comrades and our people, and we remember with respect and gratitude our martyrs who carried the party to this day.”

APOISTS SPARKED THE FIRE AGAINST GENOCIDAL COLONIALISM
“The foundations of our party were laid in the Ankara Cubuk Dam in 1973 by Leader Apo and his friends,” said the KCK statement and continued: “The emergence of the Apoists group has been a resurgence for our people. By early 1970s, we were on our last breath on our death bed as a people and a nation. Genocidal colonialism thought the Kurds would never rise again, and declared the victory of Turkish nation building over Kurds. The Apoists group emerged and sparked the fire against genocidal colonialism that wanted to turn Kurdistan into an area Turkish nation building would expand to. The Kurdish people were thus saved from the edge of the cliff, and with the epic struggle from that day on, have reached the reality of a people insisting on the fight for their freedom.

KURDISH PEOPLE’S VEINS GIVEN FRESH WATER OF LIFE
In the 45 years of struggle, great prices have been paid to give fresh water of life to the dried out veins of the Kurdish people. Tens of thousands of martyrs, tens of thousands of veterans, hundreds of thousands of prisoners, hundreds of thousands of tortured cadres and sympathisers have waged this epic struggle. They have waged the greatest guerrilla war in history. Our people have a reality of being up in arms and in uprisings for decades. We have a long history of struggle that spans generations. A tradition of struggle that has laid its roots deep within Kurdistan, deep in the cells of our people, an accumulation and a strength has been uncovered. The people of Kurdistan have an accumulation and a potential that will take a fighting people to victory like no other people had. The Kurdish people, in their insistence in their struggle, have already won the free and democratic life. The struggle afterwards will be to write the history of this victory. All our people have a responsibility to write this history, based on the strength we have uncovered in our 45 year history.

KURDISH PEOPLE BECAME THE LEADER OF REVOLUTION AND FREEDOM IN THE MIDDLE EAST
Following Leader Apo’s line, the PKK has become a leader for the free and democratic life of not just the Kurdish people but all the peoples of the Middle East. The Kurdish people are stating this reality by leading the democratic revolution wherever they are. The people of Kurdistan say PKK is the people, and the people are here. The peoples of the Middle East have launched the age of democratic revolutions in the Middle East in Leader Apo’s line, in an alliance with the Kurdish people. The Kurdish people have become the leader of revolutions and the struggle for freedom in the Middle East in the line of Leader Apo’s democratic socialism line based on democratic nation and an organized democratic society with democratic confederalism.

THE US DECISION IS A CONTINUATION OF THE CONSPIRACY
This level the Kurdish people have reached in the Middle East has brought on the increase of Middle Eastern regressive politics increasing animosity against Kurds through the PKK. The AKP-MHP fascist government in Turkey and all forces in the Middle East against democracy and freedom have increased their attacks against the Kurdish people. All counter-revolutionary forces attack the PKK and the struggle for freedom it leads in an alliance to smother the democratic revolution. They want to continue the Middle Eastern status quo of the 20th century based on a Kurdish genocide into the 21st century. The hostile decision by the US against the 3 revolutionary leaders of the PKK means the protection of the despotic governments of the Kurdish genocide in the Middle East of the 20th century. This decision is a continuation of the international conspiracy that resulted in the imprisonment of Leader Apo.

This decision is an admission that the conspiracy that resulted in the imprisonment of our Leader in 1999 hasn’t achieved the goal they wished it did. PKK has continued to get stronger despite the international conspiracy, and has become a force with influence over political balances in the Middle East today. All attacks have been geared towards breaking this strength of the PKK and to neutralize it. But it is no easy task to disband the line of Leader Apo and the PKK, which have influenced all Middle Eastern peoples. Our struggle for freedom that has laid deep roots in 45 years will certainly achieve victory with our people insisting on a free and democratic life.

LET’S RAISE THE STRUGGLE
On this basis, we are calling on all our people, all allies and all democratic forces in the Middle East to fight to void the conspiracy, free Leader Apo, and create a free Kurdistan and democratic Middle East. We are calling on the youth, women and our people to rise up wherever they are to raise the struggle to break the isolation imposed upon Leader Apo, to defeat fascism and to free Kurdistan.”
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Lawyers: The Court of Justice disregarded the CoE’s PKK decision

Case lawyers issued a statement on the European Court of Justice verdict and said, “The Luxembourg Court has ruled that the decisions between 2014-17 for the PKK to remain on the European Union’s terrorist organizations list are to be annulled.”

Following the European Court of Justice verdict on the PKK, case lawyers Marieke van Eik and Tamara Buruma issued a statement.

The European Court of Justice in Luxembourg issued a verdict on Thursday in favor of PKK, but didn’t touch upon the Council of Europe’s current terror list. The ECJ did rule that the biannually renewed lists between 2014 and 2017 are to be annulled. The lists prepared in 2018 onwards have also used the same reasoning, but the court argued that that process is outside the scope of the case and didn’t touch upon the current list.

Case lawyers Marieke van Eik and Tamara Buruma issued a written statement to announce the verdict. The lawyers said, “The Luxembourg Court has ruled that the decisions to keep the PKK in the European Union’s terrorist organizations lists for 2014-17 are to be annulled.”

The written statement pointed out that the Council of Europe doesn’t declare to the public the decrees renewed every month: “The Council of the European Union issues a new decree every six months to include an organization in the terrorist organizations list of the EU.”

Lawyers stated that the court pointed out the 2012-13 peace negotiations in particular and said the decisions can’t be justified and added that the Council has included certain individuals found guilty of supporting the PKK among the reasoning for the inclusion in the list since 2015.

Lawyers pointed out that the court has deemed these reasonings not appropriate either and stated that some attacks attributed to the PKK but which PKK has denied involvement with have been posed as reasoning by the Council, and that the court didn’t consider these a legitimate reason as it is not in a position to confirm the truth of the incidents.

According to the lawyers, the court also ruled that the Council didn’t present enough information about changing conditions like the peace negotiations and the fight against ISIS.

Lawyers concluded by saying, “In light of all these reasons, the court annulled the decisions between 2014 and 2017 regarding the list [of terrorist organizations]. The 2018 decisions have been issued with the same reasoning, but they don’t fall under the current procedure that has been closed before. Officially, the inclusion in the current list was not affected by the court’s ruling,” adding that the Council of Europe does reserve the right to appeal.
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European Court of Justice: inclusion of PKK in terror list holds great errors

The European Court of Justice said that the decision issued about the PKK between 2014 and 2017, which included the party in the "terror list" was not based on "sufficient evidence" and did not take into account the situation in the Middle East.

The European Union renews the names of terrorist organizations every six months. In its most recent renewal, the PKK was included in the list, but the course of the appeal against this latter decision concluded that the decision was not based on "sufficient evidence" and was not based on factual facts.

The European Court of Justice explained that the evidence presented in this regard "has not been sufficiently discussed to make a sound decision," asserting that the decision carries "big errors", after the invitation to the court itself where the call continues for 4 years.

The court noted that it was "activities and events" that made the European Court decide to include the Workers' Party in the terror list, but "this decision was passed without a legal discussion on the evidence, noting the need to take great developments in the Middle East and the emergence of new liberation movements, The PKK's struggle in this context "denies all the excuses it has put on the list."

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KURDLERE TERORIST DIYE ZALIMLERE KARSI SESIZ KALMA.
Kurd Halkinin kanin uzerinde pazarlik yapan irkci bolucu fasist emperyalist AMERIKA. AVRUPA. NATO. BIRLESMIS MILETLERI. ozelikle FRANCE. INGILTERE. ALMANYA kendi siyasi ve ekonomi cikarlari icin Dunya terorizmini kuran ve destekcileridir.

Turk teror devletini kulanarak ve destek vererek 100 yildir kurdistani iskal ederek defalarca KURD HALKINA karsi sistematik etnik soykirim yaptilar ve yapmaya devam ediyorlar.

Bu zalim Bati Devletleri kurdleri bolmek icin her turlu kirli oyunu oynuyorlar. 1990 da kurd halkina karsi yaptiklari zulum ve soykirimlarini rahat surdurmek icin PKK yani kurd halkini TEROR listesine alarak TURK ISKALCI DEVLETIYLE beraber zulum ve soykirimlarini yapiyorlar.

2018 ortadoguda kendi cikarlari icin isid ve Al nusra. Turk teroristleri gibi yuzlerce terorist guruplari kurarak ortadoguyu kan golune donderen bu moralsizlerdir.

Bati ulkeleri irak ve suriye de economi cikarlari icin butun terorist guruplari ve bunlara destek veren ulkelere daha fazla silah satmak icin sozde teror mucadale ediliyor gibi algi opersyonu yapan bu moralsiz katiler milyarlarca para kazandilar.

Ortadoguda Butun terorist guruplari ve teror destek veren ulkelerin tek hedefi KURDLERDIR cunku ortadoguda TEROR karsi tek mucadale eden halk KURD HALKI silahli gucleri YPG. YPJ. PKK dir.

Ortadoguda ve kurdistan topraklarini savunmak icin mucadale ederek kazanimlarini elde eden KURD HALKI silahli gucleri olan YPG. YPJ. PKK nin basarisana tahmulu olmayan irkci bolucu fasist iskalci Turk. iran. suriye. irak gibi zalim devletler. sozde kurdlerin kolisyon ortaklari ABD. EU. UN. NATO. RUSSIA gibi emperyalist ulkelere herturlu tavizi vererek KURDLERI bolmek zayif dusurmek caresiz ve muhtac birakmak icin YPG ve YPJ nin muhakak PKK da ayrilmasi gerekir diyorlar. KCK YPG. YPJ. PKK. HDP. DBP. HDK. TDK. KJA. GORA. PJK. bunlar hepsi teroristse peki kimdir KURDLERIN temsilcisi?

AMERIKA. AVRUPA. NATO. BM. FRANCE. INGILTERE. ALMANYA kendi cikarlari icin destek verdigi irkci bolucu fasist iskalci TURK. IRAK. IRAN. SURIYE gibi zalim devletleri KURDISTAN iskalini ve kurdlere karsi etnik soykirimlarini surdurmek icin KURDLERI bolmek icin her turlu kirli oyunu oynamak icin KURDLERI hep terorist olarak gorecekler. KURDLER terorist deyil PKK terorist olsun.

LUTFEN PAYLASIN
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Free Woman Units-Star conduct op; 7 Turkish soldiers killed

The fighters of Free Woman Units- Star carried out an operation against the soldiers of the Turkish occupation army and killed 7 soldiers, while People Defense Forces (#HPG) confirmed that the Turkish media continues to post false news within the methods of special war.

HPG Media Center issued a statement to the public on the recent Guerilla operations against the Turkish occupation army. The text of the statement is:

On November 11, the Turkish occupation army launched a military campaign in Kabar area of Şernax. Our fighters of Free Woman Units-Star in the framework of the revolutionary campaign for the martyr Delal Amad and the martyrs of Basta targeted the occupation forces on the same day at 12:00 which partook the campaign.

During the sniper operation carried out against the enemy, 7 Turkish soldiers were killed, while helicopters carried the bodies of the dead soldiers from the area.

On November 11, at 13:40, the occupation warplanes bombarded the Armuş area in Xakurk, which was within the Medya areas. At approximately 20:00, the aircraft targeted Sida village in the Zab area. The shelling caused material damage to the village's orchards, with no casualties recoded among the Guerilla fighters.

The Turkish occupation continues publishing its false news and following the policy of special war. The Turkish media reported that the Guerilla fighters suffered heavy losses in the aerial bombardment carried out against their positions on November 9-10. The enemy seeks, through posting such lies, to hide its losses in the operations carried out by our forces.

Therefore, we assure all of our people that the news published by HPG comes from the field, and we call on our people not to be dragged behind the enemy's war tactics.
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15 Turkish soldiers killed in different Guerilla ops

The People Defense Forces(HPG) revealed that 15 Turkish occupation soldiers have been killed and 5 others were wounded in operations by the Guerilla forces in the areas of Barzan, Sayedkhan in Başûr Kurdistan and Çelê district, as well as downing a drone belonging to the Turkish occupation army in the area of Zap.

The Media Center of the People Defense Forces have released a statement about the operations conducted by the Guerilla forces in Barzan and Sayedkhan areas.

The statement included:

On November 7, at 12:00, our forces have carried out an operation against the Turkish occupation soldiers stationed at Tel Xwedi in the Barzan area in Başûr Kurdistan, inflicting strong blows to the enemy’s fortifications from three axes which resulted in destroying their fortifications and killing 10 Turkish occupation soldiers.

Enemy’s fortifications destroyed in Lêlîkan

On the same day, at 15:00, our forces carried out an operation against the Turkish occupation soldiers on Tel Lêlîkan in Sayedkhan area in Başûr Kurdistan inflicting painful blows to the enemy’s positions which resulted in destroying their fortifications and killing two Turkish occupation soldiers. After the operation, the Turkish warplanes bombed at 18:00 the environs of Tel Lêlîkan.

3 Turkish occupation soldiers killed in Çelê

The Free Women Units-Star conducted on November 7, at 16:30 an operation againT the Turkish occupation army’s soldiers on Tel Şehîd Botan in Colemêrg’s Çelê district killing 3 soldiers.

A drone downed in Zap area

On November 7, at 08:30, our forces have downed a drone hovering over the Bêdeh Castle in Zap area.
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Peace in Kurdistan Campaign writes to Theresa May for Öcalan

"The absolute isolation of Abdullah Ocalan is tied to the war that the Turkish state forces have been waging against the Kurdish people in Turkey and Syria", said the letter.

Peace in Kurdistan Campaign has written an open letter to British Prime Minister Theresa May to appeal for the immediate release of Abdullah Ocalan.

In the letter Peace in Kurdistan Campaign writes: "There is no doubt that Abdullah Ocalan is one of the most significant political leaders in the history of the Kurdish people. He has inspired a movement that today attracts the loyalty of millions of people within Kurdistan, but his influence reaches across borders and continents; in 2015 a petition demanding his freedom gathered 10,328,623 signatories".

The Campaign underlines how "for the Kurdish people, Abdullah Ocalan has a status and significance equivalent to that which Nelson Mandela had for his people in South Africa. His freedom is critical to a lasting peace in Turkey, Syria and Kurdistan".

The letter continues recalling that Ocalan has not been able to meet with his lawyers since 27 July 2011. And that he last met with a family member on 12 September 2016.

"The absolute isolation of Abdullah Ocalan is tied to the war that the Turkish state forces have been waging against the Kurdish people in Turkey and Syria", adds the letter.

"To end this constant war - says the letter - a first step must be Abdullah Ocalan’s release".

Peace in Kurdistan Campaign recalls that "since the early 1990s he has proposed negotiations with the Turkish authorities. Talks he held with the Turkish government between 2013 and 2015 encouraged optimism. A joint public declaration made at the Dolmabahce Palace, Istanbul on 28 February 2015 suggested that a peaceful and democratic solution was within reach. However, President Erdogan’s intervention ended the negotiations and the peace process was replaced by war and a futile attempt to impose a military solution".

Drawing attention to the human side of Ocalan's condition, the letter says: "On 4 April 2019 Ocalan will be 70 years old, he has spent more than a quarter of his life behind bars. He deserves his freedom. If Turkey had a courageous leader with foresight and political sense he or she would ensure that this happened. Such a leader would earn widespread respect if they did so. They would have chosen the path of peace instead of the descent into war".

Peace in Kurdistan Campaign underlines that "President Erdogan has demonised the Kurds and branded any manifestation of their aspirations for identity and representation as terrorism" and adds that "the dangers of dictatorship are real".

A process of peace and reconciliation with the Kurds would help start to reverse this destructive trajectory, says the letter.

"As Abdullah Ocalan approaches his 20th year locked up inside a Turkish gaol - concludes the letter - now is the time to grant him his freedom. It is long overdue".
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