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Janice Temple
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DMV Black History Field Trips - Life Is School
DMV Black History Field Trips - Life Is School

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Professa Dre‏ @DrDrePhD02 5h5 hours ago Hootlet
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#Girlbye No one likes her becept #FortyFive & his spawn. #NABJ17

https://www.pscp.tv/w/1MYxNXBADkyGw

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Professa Dre‏ @DrDrePhD02 5h5 hours ago Hootlet
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#Girlbye No one likes her becept #FortyFive & his spawn. #NABJ17

https://www.pscp.tv/w/1MYxNXBADkyGw

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Exchange with @OMAROSA at the #NABJ17

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Exchange with @OMAROSA at the #NABJ17

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Exchange with @OMAROSA at the #NABJ17

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Exchange with @OMAROSA at the #NABJ17

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Frederick Douglass First Addresses White Audience

On This Day...
...in 1841, Frederick Douglass, a fugitive slave, addressed a white audience for the first time when he spoke to a gathering of abolitionists on Nantucket. "It was with the utmost difficulty that I could stand erect, or that I could command and articulate two words without hesitation and stammering," he later wrote. While his speech may have been halting, it had immediate impact. Leaders in the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society invited him to work with them. He quickly established himself as a formidable orator. Within five years, Douglass had a national and international reputation. He wrote three autobiographies, edited several newspapers, took a leading role in the woman's movement, and served for over half a century as an untiring advocate for racial justice.
Background

Frederick Douglass's speeches were so eloquent and polished that his listeners sometimes questioned the authenticity of his story. How could a man who had been enslaved since birth, who had had no formal education be so knowledgeable and articulate? As a fugitive, Douglass gave few specific details of his life in the South, further fueling suspicion. Prominent members of the Massachuetts Anti-Slavery Society advised him to "have a little of the plantation speech . . . it is not best that you seem too learned." Douglass would not degrade himself. Instead, in 1844 he wrote an autobiography, Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, Written by Himself.

He was born on the Eastern Shore of Maryland in 1818. No one knows the exact date since slave births were not a matter of public record. His maternal grandparents raised him, and he remembered seeing his mother only a few times when she stole away at night to visit him. As he understood it, the man who owned him was his father, but this afforded him no protection from the cruelties of chattel slavery. When he was eight, he was sent to serve his master's relatives in the port city of Baltimore.

His mistress there taught him the basics of reading, although once her husband learned of it, he put an immediate end to the tutoring. The boy understood the power of literacy and used every means possible to learn. Living now in a large city, he met free black people, had the opportunity to read about the anti-slavery movement in the North, and gained a greater degree of independence.

When he was 16, his owner decided the youth should return to the plantation. Recognizing and fearing Frederick's strength, he promptly hired the teenager out to a man known for his ability to "break in" slaves. The man's efforts to beat the young man into submission failed. Frederick secretly taught both free and enslaved blacks to read, and together with four other slaves, he made plans to escape. The plan was uncovered and in 1836 he was sent back to Baltimore.

On September 3, 1838, he disguised himself as a sailor; using seamen's papers borrowed from a friend, he took a north-bound train to Philadelphia. After a brief stop there, he made his way to New York City, where on September 15thhe married Anna, a free black woman he had fallen in love with in Baltimore. The couple continued their journey to New Bedford. Frederick had learned to be a ship's caulker in Baltimore, and he expected to find work in New Bedford's thriving whaling industry.

Although many of the city's Quaker leaders supported the anti-slavery movement, Douglass found such "strength of prejudice against color, among the white caulkers, that they refused to work with me, and of course I could get no employment." He did anything and everything he could to earn a living: sawed wood, dug cellars, shoveled coal, swept chimneys, and loaded and unloaded vessels.

The Douglasses stayed in New Bedford for three years, adding a daughter and son to their family. Reading William Lloyd Garrison's The Liberator set his soul "all on fire" and spurred him to speak at the black abolitionist meetings he was attending. After his speech on Nantucket, he "became known to the anti-slavery world."

In 1841 the family moved to Lynn; he began traveling widely, giving hundreds of speeches. "I never entered upon any work with more heart and hope. All that the American people needed, I thought, was light. Could they know slavery as I knew it, they would hasten to the work of its extinction." He was overly optimistic, but he persevered, even when faced with hecklers or men bent on violence. He soon went far beyond simply telling his story and urging the immediate abolition of slavery; he also tackled the unpopular topic of race prejudice in the North.

Of the many slave narratives published in the nineteenth century, Douglass's first autobiography was the most widely read. It sold briskly in the United States and Britain and was translated into French, German, and Dutch. However, it also significantly increased the danger of his being captured and returned to Maryland. Friends urged him to go to England.

In August 1845, Douglass left his family, which now included four children, and sailed for Europe. He stayed for 20 months and enjoyed a feeling of equality he would never experience again. He could board any train, enter any restaurant, sleep at any hotel — none of which he was free to do in the United States. He spoke to enthusiastic audiences and met influential people.

Friends urged him to move his family to England, but he felt compelled to return to the U.S. To ensure his safety, English supporters purchased his freedom for £150 (almost $16,000 in today's dollars). When he sailed for home in April of 1847, he was legally a free man.

He was a changed man in other ways as well — more self-confident and self-reliant. That December, Douglass moved to Rochester, New York, and launched a weekly paper, The North Star. It promoted abolitionism, African American rights, temperance, and woman's rights. When Congress passed the Fugitive Slave Act in 1850, he publicly urged civil disobedience and made his home a refuge for escaped slaves. By that point, Frederick Douglass was widely recognized as the leading spokesman for black Americans.

When the Civil War broke out, he urged President Lincoln to allow black men to enlist in the Union army. When Lincoln finally agreed in 1863, Douglass recruited volunteers to fill the ranks of the Massachusetts 54th Regiment. He lobbied tirelessly for passage of the 15th Amendment, convinced that enfranchisement was essential for the protection of African American rights. In his final decade of life, he denounced the increasingly harsh segregation measures being passed in the South and the appalling spread of lynching. He personally appealed to President Benjamin Harrison for an anti-lynching law.

Frederick Douglass was one of the most stalwart supporters of women's rights. On the morning of February 20, 1895, he attended a meeting of the National Council of Women. Later that day, the man Lincoln had described as "one of the most meritorious men, if not the most meritorious man, in the United States" died of a heart attack. He was 77 years old.

Sources

African-American History (MacMillan Compendium, 1996).

American National Biography, Volume 6 (Oxford University Press, 1999).

Douglass Autobiographies (reprinted by Penguin Books, 1994).

Slave and Citizen: The Life of Frederick Douglass, by Nathan Irvin Huggins ( Scott Foresman & Company, 1980).

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Negro Education in the Crucible

By the Association for the Study of African American Life and History

“The other day’ says Dr. Carter G. Woodson, “someone asked me how I connect my criticism of the higher education of the Negroes with new development in this sphere and especially with the four universities in the South which have been made possible by the millions obtained from government, boards, and philanthropists. “I believe,” says he, “that the establishment of these four centers of learning at Washington, Atlanta, Nashville, and New Orleans can be so carried out as to mark an epoch in the development of the Negro Race. On the other hand, there is just as much possibility for a colossal failure of the whole scheme. If these institutions are to be the replica of universities like Harvard and Yale, if the men who are to administer them and teach in them are to be the products of roll-top desk theorists who have never touched the life of the Negro, the money thus invested will be just as profitably spent if it is used to buy peanuts to throw at the animals in a circus.

“Some of the thought behind the movement is to get rid of the Negroes who are now crowding Northern universities, especially the medical schools, many of which will not admit Negroes because of the racial contact in hospital practice. In the rush merely to make special provisions for these undesirable students, the institutions which are to train them may be established on false ideas and make the same blunders of the smaller institutions which have preceded them. It will hardly help a poisoned patient to give him a larger dose of poison.

“In higher institutions for Negroes, organized along lines required for people differently circumstanced, some few may profit by being further grounded in the fundamentals, others may become more adept in the exploitation of their people, and a smaller number may cross the divide and join the whites in useful service; but the large majority of the products of such institutions will increase rather than diminish the load which the masses have had to carry ever since their emancipation. Such ill prepared workers will have no foundation upon which to build. The education of any people should begin with the people themselves, but Negroes thus trained have been dreaming about the ancients of Europe and about those who have tried to imitate them.

“In a course, at Harvard, for example, we were required to find out whether Pericles was justly charged with trying to supplant the worship of Jupiter with that of Juno. Since that time I have learned that I would have been much better prepared for work among the Negroes in the Black Belt if I had spent that time learning why John Jasper of sun-do-move fame joined with Joshua in contending that the planet stood still “in the middle of the line while he fought the battle the second time.,, It has taken me twenty years to recover from my education. How unfortunate it is for a man to waste so much valuable time. I thank God that the veil has been lifted at last, and I can now see the drama of life in which my people play such an inconspicuous role.

“I would not close any Negro college or university, but I ’would reconstruct the whole system. I would not eliminate many of the courses now being offered, but I would secure men of vision to give them from the point of view of the people to be served. I would not spend less money for the higher education of the Negro, but I would redefine higher education as preparation to serve the lowly rather than to live as an aristocrat,

“This revolution in our education must come. It may not be effected immediately; but it is inevitable, for its necessity is evident even to a casual observer. Those Negroes who have been trained the most serve the least. Negro preachers who are graduates of the best schools of theology preach to our smallest congregations. Our physicians and lawyers who have undergone training in leading universities of the land often have difficulty in making a living. Teachers of Tape scholarship’ influence the youth less than those of limited training. Such mal-adjusted workers complain that since Negroes are ignorant, they prefer ignorant leadership, but the trouble is not that the people are ignorant but that these misfits are ignorant of the people.

“Some one has asked me what changes I would make in the curricula of Negro schools. Such subjects of certitude as mathematics, of course, would continue and so would most of the work in practical languages and science. In theology, literature, social science, and education, however, radical reconstruction is necessary. The old worn-out theories as to man's relation to God and his fellowman, the system of thought which has permitted one man to exploit, oppress, and exterminate another and still be regarded as righteous must be discarded for the new thought of men as brethren and the idea of God as the lover of all mankind.

“After Negro students have mastered the fundamentals of English, the principles of composition, and the leading facts in the development of its literature, they should not spend all of their time in advanced work on Shakespeare, and Chaucer and Anglo- Saxon. They should direct their attention to the folklore of the African, to the philosophy in the proverbs and other thought of Negroes, to the development of the Negro in the use of modern language, and to the works of Negro writers.

“The leading facts of the history of the world should be studied by all, but of what advantage is it to the Negro student of history to devote all of his time to courses bearing on such despots as Alexander the Great, Caesar, and Napoleon, or to the record of those nations whose outstanding achievement has been rapine, plunder, and murder for world power? Why not study the African background from the point of view of anthropology and history, and why not take up sociology as it concerns the Negro peasant or proletarian who is suffering from sufficient ills, to supply laboratory work for the most advanced students of the social order? Why not take up economics as reflected by the Negroes of today and work out some remedy for their lack of capital, the absence of co-operative enterprise, and the short life of their establishments. Institutions like Harvard and Yale are not going to do those things, and educators influenced by them to the extent that they become blind to the Negro will never serve the race efficiently.”

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Carter G. Woodson
History, the Black Press, and Public Relations

By Burnis R. Morris

192 pages (approx.), 6 x 9 inches, 10 b&w illustrations, 10 tables, appendices, bibliography, index

9781496814074 Printed casebinding $65.00S

A new recognition of how the Father of Black History harnessed publicity power

This study reveals how historian Carter G. Woodson (1875-1950) used the black press and modern publicrelations techniques to popularize black history during the first half of the twentieth century. Explanations for Woodson's success with the modern black history movement usually include his training, deep-rooted principles, and single-minded determination. Often overlooked, however, is Woodson's skillful use of newspapers in developing and executing a public-education campaign built on truth, accuracy, fairness, and education. Burnis R. Morris explains how Woodson attracted mostly favorable news coverage for his history movement due to his deep understanding of the newspapers' business and editorial models as well as his public relations skills, which helped him merge the interests of the black press with his cause.

Woodson's publicity tactics, combined with access to the audiences granted him by the press, enabled him to drive the black history movement--particularly observance of Negro History Week and fundraising activities. Morris analyzes Woodson's periodicals, newspaper articles, letters, and other archived documents describing Woodson's partnership with the black press and his role as a publicist. This rarely explored side of Woodson, who was often called the "Father of Black History," reintroduces Woodson's lost image as a leading cultural icon who used his celebrity in multiple roles as an opinion journalist, newsmaker, and publicist of black history to bring veneration to a disrespected subject. During his active professional career, 1915-1950, Woodson merged his interests and the interests of the black newspapers. His cause became their cause.

Burnis R. Morris, Huntington, West Virginia, is the Carter G. Woodson Professor in Marshall University's W. Page Pitt School of Journalism and Mass Communications, where he has taught courses in reporting, editing, diversity, mass media history, and public relations. He also created and directed for more than a decade the Fourth Estate and the Third Sector, a national training program for journalists who cover tax-exempt organizations and philanthropy.


192 pages (approx.), 6 x 9 inches, 10 b&w illustrations, 10 tables, appendices, bibliography, index
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