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昨日对Google网站进行DNS污染的举措似乎已经解除。封锁的解除应该发生在今天早晨。 因为DNS的机制, 这需要一定时间才能传播到本地ISP的DNS服务器和用户计算机,因此如果你还是不能在中国访问Google,这应该只是时间问题。你可以试图刷新DNS缓存,之后应该就能访问Google了.

虽然对Google的封锁只进行了12小时, 这应该是中国防火长城决策中对用户影响最广的一个. 到底发生了什么? 以下是一些推测:

1. 这是一个错误么?

对全球第一的搜索引擎 (中国第二) 进行封锁发生在周五晚上。 这个可能是某人不小心按错了按钮, 对错误的域名进行了DNS污染. 他们可能只想封锁 mail.google.com. 如果这是一个错误, 这可能能解释为什么封锁在今早解除了. 这样的话, 至少有一个中国国家防火墙的雇员会被解雇. 但是, 我们有一个理由相信这不是一个错误. 中国政府不仅封锁了 google.com 和其子域名 (比如 mail.google.com, play.google.com, maps.google.com 等),他们还DNS污染了 google.com.hkgoogle-analytics.com. 这不可能是一个错误导致的 – 他们必须添加3个封锁规则. 如果这不是因为错误导致, 这次对Google封锁还可能因为什么?

2. 这是中国政府在测试人民的反应么?

我们之前讨论过中国政府没有对Gmail进行封锁只是因为他们害怕民众对全面封锁Gmail的反应. 但是,他们曾使其访问速度缓慢,不稳定. 在2011年3月, 他们似乎准备全面封锁Gmail,但最终没有这样做. 这次迅速解除对Google的封锁是在在测试人民的反应么?你可以在这里浏览新浪用户对此的反应. 显然,公众对不能访问Google,Gmail表示不满。 许多用户将此归咎于正在进行的全国代表大会.可能中国政府也了解到人们的反应,知道了人们对此决定深感不满?

令人感兴趣的是, 新浪微博没有对搜索关键词”Google”或者“谷歌”进行限制. 而且,他们似乎也没有, 删除最近Google的微博。 这可能是故意的, 因为他们也想观测用户的反应. 可能现在他们具体了解了公众对无法访问Google的反应,并且能作出在未来是否永久封锁Google的决定.

3. 只是中国政府测试”封锁Google”按钮么?

还有一种可能性是中国政府在测试“封锁Google”按钮. 中国政府可能想知道, 如果他们某日决定封锁Google, 他们能立马对其进行完全的封锁么.如果这真的是一个封锁测试, 时间上是恰当的(星期五晚上, 国际金融市场关闭).
无论如何, 现在的情形怎么样?

无论你对过去24小时有怎样的看法, 我们似乎回到了原点. 换句话说, Google没有被完全封锁, 但许多Google服务被单独的审查, 从完全封锁到部分封锁. 特别注意的是, Gmail非常不稳定, 这可能是因为,一个或多个IP地址被封锁.
对谷歌的封锁解除 – 这是一个错误还是测试?
昨日对Google网站进行DNS污染的举措似乎已经解除。封锁的解除应该发生在今天早晨。 因为DNS的机制, 这需要一定时间才能传播到本地ISP的DNS服务器和用户计算机,因此如果你还是不能在中国访问Google,这应该只是时间问题。你可以试图刷新DNS缓存,之后应该就能访问Google了. 虽然对Google的封锁只进行了12小时, 这应该是中国防火长城决策中对用户影响最广的一个. 到底发生了什么? 以下是一些推测: 1. 这是一个错误么? 对全球第一的搜索引擎 (中国第二) 进行封锁发生在周五晚上。 这个可能是某人不小心按错了按钮, 对错误的域名进行了DNS污染. 他们可能只想封锁 mail.google.com. 如果这是一个错误, 这可能能解释为什么封锁在今早解除了. 这样的话, 至少有一个中国国家防火墙的雇员会被解雇. 但是, 我们有一个理由相信这不是一个错误. 中国政府不仅封锁了 google.com 和其子域名 (比如 mail.google.com, play.google...
letscorp.net

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采访窦唯,是一件相当艰难的事情。他不懂得如何面对媒体,接受采访对他来说是件不屑去做的事。在采访中,他愤怒、咆哮、怒骂措辞粗野。窦唯以这种方式倾诉和发泄,无论谈起离婚还是烧人家的车,都似乎无甚悔意。

唯一不说脏话语调中透出温柔,是在他谈起离婚判给女方的两个女儿时。他承认自己为了给女儿送礼物在酒吧陪酒,即使这做法违背自己的原则,也在所不惜。

这是一个父亲最真实的感受:有些原则在为人父的本能面前变得微不足道。每个人都不会无缘无故地屈从,除非他有屈从的理由。每个人都有可能后悔,后悔也有光辉的一面……

  第二次当爹

第一次照顾孩子

跟王菲离婚时,童童判给了王菲,窦唯那时并不觉得有什么遗憾,他说自己比较无耻,心里甚至有点儿窃喜,因为他当时正与高原同居,只要他愿意,随时都能再做爹。

跟高原再婚后,生了女儿窦家媛,小名小院儿。生活跟窦唯的计划有点偏差。他原本打算高原在家看孩子,自己负责赚钱养家。但因为与王菲离婚,带来了不好的影响,很多唱片公司都打了退堂鼓,也无人请他去商演,最后只能在一家酒吧驻唱,一个月5000块钱。

后来,他把自己的小四合院租了出去,搬进高原父亲单位分配的公用房里。驻唱的收入加上房子的租金,勉强够用了。

因为手头不宽裕,没请保姆。这是窦唯第二次做爹,也是他第一次亲自照顾孩子。他基本上没有照顾过童童,那时候最不缺的就是钱,任何事情都可以花钱解决,月嫂保姆就是四五个,万事不用自己操心。但现在没这经济条件了,一切都得亲力亲为。

窦唯给小院儿打包裹卷儿,结果刚抱起来,小院儿便直挺挺地从包裹里滑了下去,摔得哇哇大哭。第一次给小院儿换纸尿裤,窦唯竟吐得昏天黑地。

任何事情都是逼出来的。窦唯曾是个特没耐性的人,事情略微繁琐一点儿就会不耐烦,觉得这不是老爷们儿应该做的事。可是生完孩子后高原没奶,小院儿又不能饿着,窦唯必须去给孩子挑奶粉。他从未这样耐心过,买了一个牌子又一个牌子,直到小院儿“心满意足”。

他的很多育儿常识,都是在照顾小院儿的过程中获得的。一次,一位比较阔绰的朋友得知窦唯当爹后,当场掏出一万块钱说是随喜。窦唯挺开心,直奔超市买了5000块钱小院儿正在吃的美赞臣奶粉,结果搬回家后他才明白:婴幼儿奶粉是分阶段的。没辙儿他又搬着这些奶粉去退货,好说歹说人家也没给退现金,把奶粉折成了购物卡。

小院儿似乎也更亲窦唯一点儿,高原抱着哼哼唧唧,可窦唯一搭手就立马老实了。午睡时,她趴在窦唯的肚皮上,安安静静地能睡上两个多小时。

有时照顾着小院儿,窦唯常会想起童童,她的一切与自己太陌生,身为父亲,心中无限愧意。

由于经济上的拮据,与高原的婚姻最终还是走到了尽头,高原带着小院儿悄然离开,通过律师提出离婚,要求窦唯支付108万元的抚养费。窦唯想要女儿,但高原不同意,法院最后还是将小院儿判给了妈妈。

  女儿在身边

窦唯只做两件事

离婚后,窦唯怎么都联系不上高原,他很想看看女儿,但高原却不给他机会……

无奈之下,在上海朱屺瞻艺术馆演出时,窦唯在舞台上对着麦克风说:“高原,孩子才3岁,你知不知道?你就不能等把她养大了再带走吗……”

尽管窦唯颜面扫地,但这也是没有办法的办法。此事终于传到了高原耳朵里,她给窦唯打了电话,问他想干什么。窦唯说希望自己可以像从前一样去照顾小院儿,绝不干涉她的生活,也绝不会因此向她追索已经支付的抚养费。

窦唯终于又见到了小院儿。因为高原重操旧业做起了摄影师,天南海北到处跑,所以将小院儿送进了一所规格很高的全日制寄宿双语艺术幼儿园,每月费用7800元。

一到周末,窦唯就把小院儿接到自己住的小四合院。小院儿在身边的时候,窦唯啥事都不干,只陪她做两件事情画画和弹古琴。

他觉得弹古琴能让女孩儿有一种亭亭玉立的气质,而画画则能培养艺术修养。窦唯曾经非常宝贝自己的那几架古琴,平时小心翼翼地装在琴套里谁也不让碰,但小院儿把这些古琴琴弦抓扯得吱呀乱响,他也不阻拦。

窦唯仍是个穷爸爸,虽然可以把价值数万元的古琴给小院儿当玩具,但口袋里的钱始终不超过五位数。一次,窦唯带着小院儿去看车展,发现一辆儿童自行车非常漂亮,宝马公司的产品,价格很高,索价8000元。见小院儿喜欢的样子,窦唯摸摸口袋,钱不够,只好领着小院儿回家了。没过几天,他在酒吧演唱时,一个有钱的客人点他喝酒,说他喝一瓶啤酒自己就掏1000块钱。这种事情要在从前窦唯是坚决不会做的。但那天,他一言不发,一口气干了八瓶,捏着8000块钱回了家。第二天一早就把那辆自行车买了回来。

窦唯的家可用邋遢来形容。因为藏污纳垢,家里滋生了不少吓人的东西。小院儿第三次来家里玩,竟被一条10厘米的蜈蚣给咬了。

等小院儿回幼儿园后,窦唯在家展开了轰轰烈烈的爱女卫生运动。他将家里所有的缝隙洞窟都用水泥堵上,并将犄角旮旯清扫得干干净净,杀虫药喷了三次,还增加了三款高科技的驱虫产品:一盏灭虫电网灯专门诱杀蚊蝇;一个超声波驱鼠器专门灭鼠;一台次声波驱虫仪用来驱赶蜈蚣、蝎子、蟑螂等爬虫。

  购置两套房

为俩姑娘备嫁妆

但毕竟房龄太老,还是有很多安全隐患,比方电线都是走的明线,插头是后来加的接线板……为了保证小院儿的安全,素来不追求居住环境的窦唯在家里来了个二次装修。

他专门装出了一间儿童房,墙壁做了软包,地上铺了地毯,在孩子的床头特地安了个按铃,小院儿夜晚害怕时只要一按,窦唯房间的电铃就会响起来。

人总是不知足的,终于可以像从前那样照顾小院儿后,窦唯又开始惦念童童。她两岁就离开了自己,一别多年,除了在娱乐新闻上看到有关她只言片语的消息外,作为父亲,对她近况的了解丝毫不比普通人多。

当王菲怀上嫣然入院待产时,窦唯让妹妹窦颖去探望,顺便提出了在方便的时候想见童童的想法。

八年之后,童童终于回到了自己当年住过的四合院。到底还是父女,两人之间并无陌生感。童童在绘画上颇有天赋,窦唯也是此中好手,父女俩于是有了合作作画的机会。窦唯将童童的作品收集起来做成画册,如今已做到了第四本。

让窦唯难堪的是,因为王菲太有钱,他一时想不出自己还能送童童啥礼物?窦唯不认为钱是表达爱的唯一方式,但两边的生活质量相差如此之大,让他的自尊心严重受挫。

于是,素来玩纯音乐的窦唯俗了,商业了。他联系出版商出版了新专辑《雨吁》,并凭借这张专辑获得第7届音乐风云榜“最佳摇滚歌手”、“最佳摇滚专辑”、“内地最佳歌手”三个大奖。随后他再次出山,从鄂尔多斯草原摇滚音乐会到澳门Hush full band马拉松摇滚音乐祭,到为电影《李米的猜想》配乐获得第四十六届台湾金马奖最佳原创电影音乐。

窦唯又有钱了,他把手里所有的钱凑起来,在小四合院附近的一个楼盘买了两套两居室的房子,同一个单元同一个楼层,门对门的两套。一套的主人叫窦靖童,另一套的主人叫窦家媛。他说,作为父亲,总得要为她们留下点东西,将来女儿出嫁的时候,会告诉对方这是我爸爸在我小时候就为我准备好的嫁妆。

如今,小院儿已经读小学了,画画儿很棒,古琴也弹得有模有样;童童在一所全英文国际学校就读,是学校合唱团的重要成员,经常受邀到海外演出,还是学校管弦乐队成员。虽然在法律意义上,窦唯不是她们的监护人,但他一点儿也不把自己当外人,他似乎也没什么再婚再育的打算,他说他每每见到女儿,就觉得自己极其慈祥,内心在瞬间软化。

谁能想到,窦唯会与慈祥有关,会带着满脸谄媚讨好的神情去取悦他人?但事实就是如此。一个男人,总会被一个异性改变,不是他的女人,就是他的女儿……

 

来源:新商报 2011年8月27号

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最近,《纽约时报》在首页报导揭露中国的政改鼓吹总理温家宝的家族发财史。从其90岁的老母到其兄弟、老婆、儿子甚至同事都神奇地成为亿万富翁。温家宝不再是那个在全国老百姓面前叫穷,同穷人弱势群体同吃一锅饭甚至同穿一条裤子的亲民总理。

《纽时》的报道由该报驻上海记者巴大伟(David Barboza)采写。巴大伟自1997年起正式受聘于《纽约时报》,主要报道商业新闻,2004年起派驻上海。他此文依据不是引述任何不可透露姓名的“深喉”之“内幕爆料”或者传言,而是他自己蒐集中国商界政界的公开资讯,顺藤摸瓜找到领导人家族营商情况方式资料,再深入研究温家宝亲属的资产状况,得出的研究调查报告。他花了约10个月时间筹备与撰写。《纽约时报》在决定采用刊发此稿之前,还专门把原文送呈中国有关当局甚至多位当事人,寻求他们的意见与答复。而这些标准作业都只得到一个标准回答:没有任何答复。

《纽约时报》这样做,当然是同温家宝过不去。可是这个记者以及纽时,并不是只同温家宝过不去。早在今年5月,他与同事就发表题为“中国太子党利用家庭关系生财”的报道,探讨江泽民、温家宝、朱镕基、李鹏、曾庆红等人子女的商业网络。今年4月他还与同事访问薄瓜瓜,报道后者否认曾驾驶红色法拉利。关于薄熙来的丑闻,在薄熙来红日渝升到日薄西山,纽时都没少报导。

纽约时报并非美国政府官方喉舌。它虽然有自由派甚至民主党的党派倾向,但是从来不听命于美国政府,而且曾经是民主党的约翰逊政府和尼克松的共和党政府的冤家对头:最著名的就是披露五角大楼越战文件。

1971年6月13日,越战炮火硝烟美军被越共中共苏共打得血肉横飞之时,纽约时报公开发表了他们搞到的五角大楼关于越战升级决策过程的绝密文件,详细披露了美国陷入越战泥沼的历史过程。这些文件除了泄露许多当时在美国其他一系列属于绝对的军事政治机密和隐私之外,还特别显示,约翰逊政府如何一直编造谎言欺骗国会与民众,把一小部分人的个人偏见与集团利益凌驾于国家利益,让美国陷入越战泥沼无法自拔。

《纽约时报》如此肆无忌惮公开向全世界暴露(且不说盗窃)国家军事政治核心最高机密,不但在苏联越南中国,都是立即满门抄斩的弥天大罪,就是在美国,也是令政府要“绳之以法”严厉处置的罪行。

美国政府动用司法,在纽时发表三篇文件连载之后,法庭宣布中止纽时继续发表该文件。可是其他报纸开始继续发表。这些报纸也接到禁令。媒体上诉到最高法院。高法于1971年6月3日以6票赞成3票反对裁决,新闻自由乃立国之本,《纽约时报》与其他媒体胜诉,可以继续发表这些文件。

不但这个案件成为美国媒体自由的经典案例,世界包括中共都无偿获得宝贵的情报资讯资源—当年中国的《参考消息》就几乎全文转载这些文件,让中共高官到几乎生产队长都知道万恶美帝无耻发动扩大越战的丑恶伎俩与罪恶行径。这样的全世界自由分享美国五角大楼绝密情报的后果之一就是,尼克松要派基辛格秘访北京,美国佬要请老毛帮助结束越战。

饮水思源。凡是认同尼克松访华以及赞成结束越战的中国人,特别是中共,没有理由不对《纽约时报》表示敬佩与感谢吧。

哪怕直到不久前,纽时以及美国媒体都没有封杀中共宣布的有关薄熙来的丑闻与罪行,也报道过温家宝总理信誓旦旦的誓言:“外界传说我的夫人与孩子也有贪污腐败,要求中央对此也同时进行认真调查!”而且温家宝曾经多次表示,如果其家人有贪污行为,“愿意立即辞职!”《纽约时报》甚至还刊登过温总理起而仰望星空,坐而手捧旱土心如汤煮的感人照片啊。

美国人其实蛮听共产党的话:中国总理公开吁请“认真调查他和家人的贪污腐败”,纽约时报不待中央发指示拨款提供方便,就马上自带干粮积极响应号召了。美国人傻冒啊,他们没有“叶公好龙”的典故,到了中国,入乡随俗,能不听中国总理的话吗?

要说美国媒体知道温家宝只有几天相位在座了,就人走茶凉开刷,恐怕说不过去。一来世人都知道中国元老的厉害,别说前主席仍然是主席,那位六四总理如今也炙手可热呢。更何况人家马上要上大位的天子,全世界拍马屁的排队到了火星,美国的彭博社还不是爆了习家家族腰缠万贯的家底?

要说这是美国政府的阴谋,当年无论民主党的约翰逊还是共和党的尼克松,都被纽时扭断了腰呢。难道奥巴马罗姆尼就有中宣部长的本事?他们就能这样明目张胆地干涉中国内政甚至主导宫廷政变?或者纽时见财起心,今天收了薄熙来一千万,就为其歌功颂德;明天收到中宣部三千万,就大爆薄熙来丑闻,后天又收到薄瓜瓜五千万,就搞臭习近平温家宝?可是好像至今还没有爆料胡锦涛,是否纽时接到了来自胡府五百亿的押金?

其实,这只是一个简单的道理:美国媒体的生存之道———资讯言论的自由,民众知情权的重要,美国公众对中国政治甚至政府以及政腐的关注。纽时“窃取”和发表五角大楼秘密文件,满足了美国民众与世界对越战内幕以及前途的关注,声誉鹊起,洛阳纸贵。纽时通版报道“乒乓外交”以及“尼克松毛泽东改变世界的一周”,也是同样满足美国民众与世界对时事大局大势的了解需求。

因此,纽约时报对包括温家宝贝财富在内的长篇深度调查报道,其实都只不过透露出这样几个基本信息:中国成为了美国民众与世界的重大关注对象。中国政治经济运作的诡秘复杂,中共从头到脚的腐败,中共高层政治内斗的肮脏残酷,都是世界无法回避否认的事实。奥巴马罗姆尼要面对,美国民众要面对。至于中共和中国人如何面对,以及纽约时报如何面对中共,他们无法决定。至少,他们知道无法同中共打官司,而中共也无法对纽时腰斩菜市口。周总理打补丁的衬衫和宴请尼克松吃的胶东冰雪鲍鱼,温总理开口子的胶鞋与温太太的珠宝仓库,以及局长一个月之内亮出的三十块世界名表,北京到伦敦到新加坡的太子起火翻车法拉利,都是他们自己亮出来的,不要怪人家有眼睛,更不要认为人家的眼睛是玻璃球。
阿妞不牛:纽约时报爆五角大楼与温家宝
最近,《纽约时报》在首页报导揭露中国的政改鼓吹总理温家宝的家族发财史。从其90岁的老母到其兄弟、老婆、儿子甚至同事都神奇地成为亿万富翁。温家宝不再是那个在全国老百姓面前叫穷,同穷人弱势群体同吃一锅饭甚至同穿一条裤子的亲民总理。 《纽时》的报道由该报驻上海记者巴大伟(David Barboza)采写。巴大伟自1997年起正式受聘于《纽约时报》,主要报道商业新闻,2004年起派驻上海。他此文依据不是引述任何不可透露姓名的“深喉”之“内幕爆料”或者传言,而是他自己蒐集中国商界政界的公开资讯,顺藤摸瓜找到领导人家族营商情况方式资料,再深入研究温家宝亲属的资产状况,得出的研究调查报告。他花了约10个月时间筹备与撰写。《纽约时报》在决定采用刊发此稿之前,还专门把原文送呈中国有关当局甚至多位当事人,寻求他们的意见与答复。而这些标准作业都只得到一个标准回答:没有任何答复。 《纽约时报》这样做,当然是同温家宝过不去。可是这个记者以及纽时,并不是只同温家宝过不去。早在今年5月,他与同事就发表题为“中国太子党...
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核心提示:《纽约时报》的调查显示,温家宝担任领导职务期间,他的很多亲属变得极为富有,其中包括温家宝的儿子、女儿,弟弟及妻弟。对公司与监管记录的调查显示,在总理的亲属中,有些人的生意风格十分强势,他们掌控了价值不低于27亿美元(约合170亿元人民币)的财富。

原文:Billions in Hidden Riches for Family of Chinese Leader
作者:DAVID BARBOZA
日期:2012/10/25
转载纽约时报中文网,原文链接。


【温家宝的许多亲属成为巨富。Petar Kujundzic/路透社】

上海——中国总理温家宝的母亲杨志云曾是东北的一名教师,他的父亲在毛泽东时代曾被派去养猪。去年,温家宝在一次讲演时说道,他的童年打着"贫穷、混乱和饥饿"的烙印。

然而,公司与监管记录显示,现年90岁的杨志云不仅不再贫穷,而且绝对富裕。记录显示,仅她名下对一家大型中国金融企业的一项投资就曾在5年前价值1.2亿美元(约合7.6亿元人民币)。

没人知晓丈夫已经去世的杨志云是如何积累这笔财富的。但这一过程发生在她儿子被提拔进统治中国的精英阶层之后。温家宝先在1998年升任国务院副总理,五年后他出任总理。

《纽约时报》的调查显示,温家宝担任领导职务期间,他的很多亲属变得极为富有,其中包括温家宝的儿子、女儿,弟弟及妻弟。对公司与监管记录的调查显示,在总理的亲属中,有些人的生意风格十分强势,他们掌控了价值不低于27亿美元(约合170亿元人民币)的财富。

很多情况下,这些亲属的名字都掩藏在多重合伙人和朋友、同事、商业伙伴与远亲的投资载体背后。此番财务解析细致而不同寻常地揭示出,在经济高速发展、政府影响和私人财富重叠交错的中国,拥有政治人脉的人物是如何利用自己沟通政商的能力谋取利益。

资料显示,与大多数中国的新企业不同,这个家族的生意不时从国有企业获得金融支持,其中包括中国最大的电信运营商,中国移动和中国电信。其他时候, 这些企业得到了一些亚洲最富有的商业巨头的支持。《纽约时报》发现,温家宝的亲属在银行、珠宝公司、度假村、基础设施项目和电信公司中持有股份,其中部分 股权是通过离岸机构持有的。

他们的资产包括位于北京的一处别墅开发项目、连接上海和杭州的收费公路的部分路段、一家靠近香港的飞机租赁服务公司、一家曾参与修建包括标志建筑"鸟巢"(Bird's Nest)在内的一些北京奥运场馆的公司,以及平安保险,世界上最大的金融服务公司之一。

今年70岁的温家宝,作为一个仍然严重依靠政府带动的经济体的总理, 在为其亲属带来巨大财富的主要行业中拥有广泛的权力。比如,中国公司如果不经过他手下的机构审批,就不能在证券交易所上市。他在决定是否批准能源与电信等战略行业中的大型投资项目方面,也起着关键作用。

由于中国政府甚少公开自己的决策过程,所以还不清楚温家宝在大多数政策或法规决策中是否施加了影响,或施加了什么影响。但在一些情况下,他的亲属却试图从这些决策带来的机会中获利。

例如,根据基于政府记录进行的估算,他弟弟的公司曾从政府那里得到了价值超过3千万美元(约合1.89亿元人民币)的合同与补贴,负责处理几个中国 大城市的污水和医疗垃圾。这些合同都是在2003年非典型肺炎(SARS)疫情之后宣布的。当时,温家宝下令对医疗垃圾处理加强监管。

2004年,温家宝领导下的国务院解除了平安保险等公司在经营范围上的限制,随后该公司在其首次公开发行股票中募资18亿美元(约合113亿元人民 币),其当下的市值超过了600亿美元。而由温家宝的亲属和他们的朋友、同事控制的合伙人公司在公开发行之前对平安保险公司进行了投资,并从中获取巨额利 润。

2007年是对相关持股进行公开披露的最后一年,《纽约时报》一份经过外部审计人员核实的调查报告显示,这些人手中股票的总价值在当时高达22亿美元(约合139亿元人民币)。

中国平安保险在一份声明中表示,该公司不知晓股东背后投资实体的背景。声明还说,中国平安保险无法获悉股东买卖股份背后的动机。

中国共产党的条例一直要求高级官员公开自己和直系亲属的财产,但却没有法律法规对哪怕是最高层官员的亲属做出禁令,禁止他们成为交易撮合者或者主要 投资人,而这一漏洞实际上让一些人可以打着家族的名号做生意。一些中国人认为,允许共产党领导人的家人从中国长期的经济繁荣中获利,对确保精英阶层支持市 场化改革十分重要。

但是,提交给中国监管机构的资料显示,温家宝亲属的商业交易有时被掩盖了起来。其运作方式暗示,他们急切地想回避公众的关注。调查发现,他们拥有的股权通常掩盖在错综复杂的股权网络当中,其所有权可能距实际运营的公司有五层控股公司之遥。

在温家宝母亲的案例中,《纽约时报》通过调查公开记录和政府颁发的身份证,并对三家中国投资公司的所有权进行追踪之后,估算出她在中国平安保险公司 持有的股份在2007年价值1.2亿美元(约合7.6亿元人民币)。他母亲在平安持有的股票被登记在一家名为泰鸿(Taihong)的控股公司名下,该公 司注册地是总理的故乡天津。

这些看上去是在掩饰自身财富的作为显示,围绕着中国精英统治阶层的政治氛围相当紧张,很多人坐拥巨富,却不愿引人注目。6月份,彭博资讯社 (Bloomberg News)报道,中国下届国家主席的既定人选、副主席习近平的亲属积累了数亿美元的财产,中国政府随即在国内屏蔽了彭博社的网站。

"高层领导中,没有哪家不出这样的问题,"与温家宝相识20多年的一位前同事在不具名的条件下表示,"他的敌人正在有意泄露这些消息给他抹黑。"

《纽约时报》已将调查发现交给了中国政府,并请求置评。中国外交部拒绝回答有关这些投资和涉及总理及其亲属的问题。温家宝的亲属也拒绝就本报道置评或根本没有回复置评请求。

段伟红是一名女富商, 她的泰鸿公司就是总理母亲与其他亲属持有的平安股份的投资平台。但段伟红说,这些投资都是她自己的。段伟红是总理的同乡,也是总理夫人的好朋友。她表示,这些股份之所有放在总理亲属的名下,是为了隐藏她自己持股的规模。

她表示,"我在投资平安的时候,不希望被媒体关注,"段女士表示,"所以我让亲戚找了一些人代我持有这些股份。"

她说,自己的公司选了这些亲属作为名义股东,只是一个"巧合"。在登记股票的过程中,股东需要提供自己的身份证号码与签字。直到《纽约时报》向她展示了这些投资者的姓名,她一直表示,她不知道这些人和温家宝有亲戚关系。

此次调查的公司与监管记录的时间跨度为1992年到2012年,调查中没有发现温家宝名下有任何财产。从这些材料中无法看出,温家宝是否曾对任何可能会给亲属的财产带来影响的决定进行回避,也不能断定这些亲属是否在投资上得到过优待。

在任期内的很长时间里,温家宝一直被关于其亲属试图利用其职位谋利的谣言和猜测缠身。但截止到《纽约时报》此次调查为止,并没有出现任何关于这个家族财富的详细报道。

他的妻子张蓓莉是中国珠宝与宝石领域的权威人士之一,自己本身就是一位成功的女商人。《纽约时报》发现,她通过管理后来被私有化的国有钻石公司,帮助几位亲戚将一些少数股权扩充为价值十亿美元级别的投资组合,涵盖保险、科技和房地产行业。

温家宝夫妇唯一的儿子曾将自己开创的一家科技公司以1千万美元(约合6千3百万元人民币)的价格卖给香港首富李嘉诚(Li Ka-shing)家族,并利用另一个投资平台成立了新天域资本公司(New Horizon Capital)。相关记录与对银行业人士的采访显示,目前,该公司是中国最大的私募股权公司之一, 其投资合伙人包括了新加坡政府。

记录显示,总理的弟弟温家宏(Wen Jiahong)掌控着2亿美元(约合12.6亿元人民币)的资产,其中包括污水处理厂与回收企业。

作为总理,温家宝阐明了自己是一个平民主义者和改革派的立场。他平易近人,经常接触普通百姓,尤其是在发生地震和其他自然灾害的危急时刻。官方媒体将他爱称为"人民的总理"和"温爷爷"。

尽管还不清楚温家宝对自己家族的财富知道多少,但在维基解密(WikiLeaks)2010年公布的美国国务院(State Department)外交电文中,有一份电文显示,温家宝对其亲属的商业交易有所了解,且相当不满。

根据这份2007年发送的电报,一名在中国出生并供职于上海一家美国公司的高管告诉美国外交官,"温家宝对家人的活动很反感,但他无力或不愿限制他们。"

中国的钻石女王

在中国的精英圈子里,总理夫人张蓓莉很有钱而且在一定程度上控制着中国的珠宝贸易,这一点不是秘密。但《纽约时报》在查阅了公司和监管记录之后发现,只是在她丈夫步入中国的最高领导层后,她那些利润丰厚的钻石生意才变得异常成功。

张蓓莉是一名专门研究宝石的地质学家,普通中国人基本上不知道她。她很少和总理一起出行或公开露面。目前几乎没有几张这对夫妇在一起的正式照片。尽 管曾和她共事的人说,她喜欢翡翠和精美的钻石,但他们也表示,和其他高级领导人的亲属很像,她的着装通常都很低调,并没有表现得魅力四射,而是宁愿在幕后 施展影响。

维基解密公布的美国国务院文件还表明,温家宝曾因张蓓莉在钻石贸易中利用了两人之间的关系而考虑过离婚。也有中文媒体猜测称,两人关系疏远。部分报 道显示,两人曾在2007年因张蓓莉对贵重珠宝的喜好而发生争执。台湾的电视台2007年报道称,张蓓莉在北京的一个贸易展上购得了一对价值约为27.5 万美元(当时约合200万元人民币)的翡翠耳环。但根据当时的新闻报道,透露此消息的那名台湾展商后来否认了该说法,中国官方新闻审查部门迅速封锁了国内 对该事件的报道。

一位曾和温家宝亲属合作过的银行业人士称,"在领导层的圈子里,她的商业活动是众所周知的"。 这位银行业人士还表示,张蓓莉的办公室常常会打电话给商业人士。"如果是你接到了电话,你会说不吗?"

张蓓莉最初得势是在上世纪90年代,当时她还是地质部的一名监管人员。那时,中国的珠宝市场尚处于起步阶段。

当她丈夫在中国的最高领导机构所在地中南海任职时,张蓓莉正在制定珠宝与宝石贸易的行业标准。她协助在北京成立了国家珠宝玉石质量监督检验中心,在上海成立了上海钻石交易所。这是该行业内权力最大的两家机构。

在中国,政府长期以来控制着市场,珠宝行业监管部门常常决定着哪家公司可以开设钻石加工厂,谁可以获准进入珠宝零售市场。国家监管部门甚至还制定了规则,要求钻石出售方要为在中国售出的钻石购买鉴定证书,而那些认证书就来自北京那家由张蓓莉管理的国营检验中心。

因此,当卡地亚(Cartier)和戴比尔斯(DeBeers)的主管在上世纪八九十年代来到中国,并希望能在这里销售钻石和珠宝时,他们经常拜访的对象是张蓓莉。在宝石行业,她被人称为中国的"钻石皇后"。

总部设在瑞士的国际珠宝首饰联合会(World Jewelry Confederation)的主席加埃塔诺·卡瓦列里(Gaetano Cavalieri)已经认识张蓓莉很多年了,他表示:"在中国,她是最重要的人。她就是中外合伙人之间的桥梁 。"

曾和张蓓莉共过事的人说,她早在1992年就开始游走在官员和女商人这两个角色之间了。作为国有的中国地矿宝石总公司负责人,她开始用国有资金投资新兴企业。在1998年她丈夫被任命为副总理时,她正忙着和亲戚朋友一起开办企业。

根据公开披露的信息,她经营的那家国有企业投资了数家下属钻石企业。在这些公司当中,有好几家是由张蓓莉的亲戚或她在国家珠宝玉石检验中心的前同事经营的私有企业。

比如,1993年,张蓓莉负责的那家国企帮助成立了北京戴梦得宝石公司,这是一家大型的珠宝生产商。股东名册显示,一年后,她的一个弟弟张剑鸣和她 的两名在政府的同事以个人的名义购得了该公司80%的股份。北京戴梦得投资的深圳戴梦得宝石公司则是由她丈夫的弟弟温家宏所控制。

中宝戴梦得是她最大的成功之一。这家企业的出资方包括,由她担任一把手的国有企业中国地矿宝石总公司和她弟弟张剑鹍管理下的另外一家国企。张剑鹍曾是浙江嘉兴的一名官员,那里也是张蓓莉的家乡。

1999年夏,在达成了从俄罗斯和南非进口钻石的协议后,中宝戴梦得在上海证券交易所(Shanghai Stock Exchange)上市,募集到了3.25亿元人民币。根据公司文件,这次募股为张蓓莉的家人带来了大约800万美元(当时约合6600万元人民币)。

尽管她从未被列为股东,但她以前的同事和生意伙伴表示, 张蓓莉早年成立的钻石合伙企业最终成为了一系列企业的核心,她帮助自己的家族和同事获得了那些企业的股份。

《纽约时报》没有发现,温家宝曾利用自己的政治影响力对亲属所投资的钻石公司进行关照。然而,之前的生意伙伴表示,温家宝家族在钻石行业和其他领域的成功往往都得到了富有商人的资金扶持,那些商人试图借此讨好总理一家。

"温家宝成为总理后,他妻子出售了部分钻石相关的投资,转而进入新的领域," 一名同该家族有过生意往来的中国高管说。 因为怕遭政府报复,这位高管请求匿名。公司记录显示,从上世纪90年代末开始,一群富商轮番买进这些钻石公司的大量股份。出售方通常是温家宝的亲戚,然 后,在这些商人的帮助下,他们将所得再投资到房地产和金融等有利可图的项目中。

根据公司记录,富商通常会向由这些亲戚部分控制的投资合伙公司提供会计人员和办公地点。

"当他们合伙成立公司时,"一位和温家成员一起成立过公司的商人说,"张蓓莉留在幕后。这就是他们的模式。"

唯一的儿子

今年早些时候的一个晚上,总理的独子温云松坐在一个名为"秀"的雪茄吧里,这是一间位于北京柏悦酒店的顶级酒吧。在场的两位客人透露,他当时正喝着鸡尾酒,身边围绕着北京的新贵们。这些人提着名牌包,身着昂贵的西装。

在中国,人们普遍认为高层领导人的下一代构成了一个特殊的阶层,人称"太子党"。这些人往往持有常青藤(Ivy League)名校的文凭,享受贵宾待遇,甚至能在热门股票发行时以优惠价格获得股票。

在市场准入受到政府严格控制的中国,人们都认为太子党好办事。而近几年,还没有几个太子党像年届不惑的温云松这样有魄力。他的英文名是温斯顿(Winston)。

经过调查温云松的各种投资,并采访了与他相识多年的人士,《纽约时报》发现他涉足的交易领域极其广泛,获利甚丰,这即使是在他太子党同辈中也是出类拔萃的。

诸如中国移动、中国电信、中央电视台这样的国有大机构都和他合作成立了新公司。在近些年,温云松还和好莱坞(Hollywood)制片商就融资活动展开洽谈。

苦恼于中国尚无精英级别的寄宿学校,温云松最近雇佣了康涅狄格州的乔特罗斯玛丽中学(Choate)和霍奇科斯学校(Hotchkiss)的校长来负责成立一所位于京郊、投资1.5亿美元的私立学校,这所学校目前正在建设中。

另外,根据公司记录及熟悉其家庭投资情况的人士的陈述,温云松与其妻还拥有珠宝公司、网络公司和动画公司的股份,他们甚至通过非直接的方式,拥有政 府鼎力支持的在线支付企业联动优势科技有限公司(Union Mobile Pay)的股份。一直以来,他们和自己的两个孩子住在位于北京市中心的总理官邸内。

一位与温云松经常见面的风险投资家说:"他不会对用自己的影响来办事感到不好意思。"

温云松拒绝接受采访,但他的妻子杨小萌在一次电话采访中表示,针对自己丈夫的交易活动的批评并不公平。

"所有关于他的报道都是错误的,"她表示,"他真的已经不怎么做生意了。"

温云松毕业于北京的精英学校,并在北京理工大学(Beijing Institute of Technology)取得工科学位。他后来出国,在加拿大温莎大学(University of Windsor)取得了材料科学的硕士学位,并在美国伊利诺伊州埃文斯顿的西北大学(Northwestern University)凯洛格商学院(Kellogg School of Business)取得了工商管理硕士学位。

熟悉温云松生意的人透露,他2000年回国后,在五年时间里和别人一起成功打造了三家科技公司。随后他将其中两家公司出售给了香港的企业家,其中包括亚洲首富李嘉诚(Li Ka-shing)的家族。

经查阅香港与北京的公司注册信息发现,温云松在2000年成立了他的第一家公司优创科技(Unihub Global),提供互联网数据服务,启动资金为500万美元。资金来源于一些关系密切的亲戚与他母亲以前在政府和钻石行业的同事,以及香港第二富有家族 的家长郑裕彤(Cheng Yu-Tung)身边的一个人。这家公司的最早客户是一些国有证券公司和平安保险。总理的亲属持有大量平安保险股份。

2005年,他进行了更大胆的尝试,开始进军私募股权行业,和一群西北大学的中国同学成立了新天域资本公司。公司很快从各方投资者募集了1亿美元的 资金。投资人中有日本软银集团(Softbank)旗下的思佰益控股(SBI Holdings)和新加坡政府的投资基金淡马锡(Temasek)。

在温云松的领导下,新天域迅速蹿升为私人股本行业的佼佼者,公司在生物科技、太阳能、风能和建筑设备制造领域投资。思佰益控股称,迄今为止,该公司已经向投资者返还了4.3亿美元,相当于逾四倍的获利。

香港行业出版物《亚洲私募股权评论》(Asia Private Equity Review)的主编凯瑟琳·吴(Kathleen Ng)说:"他们的第一个基金就一炮打响。这使得他们可以募得更多资金。"

目前,新天域管理着逾25亿美元的资金 。

然而,温云松的一些交易却给总理带来了一些不必要的关注。

2010年,就在一家名为四环医药的企业公开发行股票仅两个月前,新天域收购了该公司9%的股权。香港证交所做出裁定,这笔后期投资违反了相关规定,并强迫新天域出售了股权。即便这样,该公司还是在这笔交易中获利4650万美元。

不久以后,新天域宣布,温云松已经不再负责公司的日常运作。他转而加入了国有的中国卫星通信集团公司。这家公司和中国的航天项目存在关联,目前,他已经成为了该公司的董事长。

富豪们

在上世纪90年代末期,段伟红通过自己的泰鸿地产公司在总理的家乡天津管理着一幢办公楼与几处房产。她当时还不到30岁,拥有南京理工大学的工科学位。

在2002年,段伟红与几位温家宝的亲戚展开了商业合作,将自己的房地产公司转换成为了同名的投资公司。这家公司最终使段伟红变得非常富有。

现年43岁的段伟红与总理的关系尚不明朗。在数次采访中,她先是表示,自己并不认识温家任何人,但随后又承认自己是总理夫人张蓓莉的好友。与少数几 位中国企业家一样,在她和这些亲属以及他们的关系网中的朋友与同事展开合作后,她的财富规模急速上升。她表示,自己和这些人的在平安股权上的关系只存在于 纸面上,并没有真正的金钱往来。

段伟红与另外几个商人一直以来都在帮助温家宝家族,他们的作用至关重要,在关键时刻启动大型项目,以帮助温家宝家族成员设立投资平台,并从中获利,这些生意伙伴里包括6位来自中国各地的亿万富豪,一些与双方都合作过的投资银行家说。

成立于天津的泰鸿有着巨大的利润。公司披露信息与段伟红的研究生论文显示,2002年,在平安保险首次公开发行股票之前,泰鸿以6500万美元购得了平安3%的股份。5年后,这些股票的市值为37亿美元。

随后,通过自己管理的泰鸿的香港分公司,段伟红和北京市政府成立了一个合资公司,并在北京首都国际机场附近购得了一大块土地。如今,在这片土地上, 坐落着一个不断壮大的货运物流中心。去年,泰鸿将这一项目中该公司拥有的53%股权出售给了一家新加坡企业,售价为近4亿美元。

《纽约时报》通过查阅公司披露材料发现,这笔交易,连同她对豪华酒店、北京的别墅开发项目,以及在香港上市的北京金隅股份有限公司的投资,对段伟红的财富积累起到了至关重要的作用。北京金隅是中国最大建筑材料企业之一。

通过查阅报表还发现,在过去10年中,泰鸿有着三十多位个人股东,其中很多人要么是温家宝的亲属,要么是张蓓莉的前同事。

其他与总理的亲属合作过的富商拒绝就本报道置评。段伟红强烈否认自己与总理或其亲属存在任何金钱往来,并表示,将平安股票放在他人名下,只为避免媒体关注。"投资平安的资金全是我自己的" ,平安的监事会前成员段伟红表示。"我做的一切都是合法的。"

与温家宝的亲属进行合作的另一位富商是掌握着香港集团企业新世界发展公司的郑裕彤(Cheng Yutung)。《福布斯》(Forbes)数据显示,他的身价为150亿美元,是亚洲最大的富豪之一。

在20世纪90年代,新世界正在中国内地为一家专门经营高档珠宝的姊妹公司寻找落脚点。1998年,这家名为周大福(Chow Tai Fook)的连锁珠宝零售企业在中国内地开设了第一家门店。

相关记录与对当事人的采访显示,郑裕彤的手下向背后有温家宝的亲属支持的钻石企业进行了投资。还与这些企业一起,共同投资了一系列企业实体,其中包 括生命人寿 (Sino-Life)、国民信托(National Trust)和平安保险。企业披露的报表显示,郑裕彤作出的这些投资现在至少价值50亿美元。连锁珠宝企业周大福也得到了蓬勃发展。今天,该公司42亿美 元的年收入中,60%来自中国市场。

本报未能联系到87岁的郑裕彤。新世界发展公司也没有回复打过去的电话。

对温家宝的影响

2007年冬,就在温家宝开始第二个总理任期之前,他呼吁采取新措施打击腐败,尤其是高级官员的腐败。

"各级主要负责同志要……带头执行中央关于党政干部廉洁自律的各项规定。"在北京举行的一次党内高层官员参加的会议上,温家宝说:"领导干部特别是高级干部要严格管束子女、亲属和身边工作人员,防止他们利用自己的影响谋取不正当利益。"

上述讲话,与温家宝较早前推动对公务员实行更严格的财产申报规定,要求高级官员公布家庭资产的行动是一致的。

由于中国共产党并不公布此类信息,并不清楚温家宝是否进行过关于自己家庭财产的申报。尽管如此,《纽约时报》发现的温家宝亲属持有的资产中,很多可能并不需要进行披露,因为那些资产并不是以温家宝,及他的妻子和子女的名义持有的。

《纽约时报》通过调查发现并经由外部审计人员核查的27亿美元资产中,约有80%是由温家宝的母亲、弟弟、弟媳、温家宝妻子的两名兄弟、温家宝的儿 媳及亲家等人所持有的。他们都不受中国共产党公开财产的规定所限制。《纽约时报》对相关亲属的中国平安保险持股总规模进行了计算,其结果得到了审计师的确 认。总额包括亲属曾经持有但在2004年至2006之间售出的股票,以及2007年末剩下的股票。在此之后,他们平安保险的持股状况就没有再进行过公开披 露。

法律专家表示,估测准确的价值并不容易,因为可能存在一些并不对外披露、指定真正受益者的附加协议。

哥伦比亚大学法学院(Columbia University Law School)教授克提斯·米尔哈特(Curtis Milhaupt)曾研究过中国公司架构,他表示:"复杂的企业架构并不一定有阴谋诡计。但在企业所有权和政治权力紧密交织的中国体制之下,壳公司就会放 大资产所有人不明、资金来源不明的问题。"

在温家宝的家族所控制的企业中进行投资的人里,有很多长期的商业伙伴、前同事,以及大学同学,其中包括温云松在西北大学的同学于剑鸣,以及温家宝的弟弟温家宏长期以来的同事张玉宏。这些人都没有回复就本报道置评的请求。

披露温家宝家族持有的财富,可能会给温家宝带来政治上的打击。

下个月,中共十八大将在北京召开,共产党将宣布下一届领导人人选。但是这个筛选过程却已经陷入几十年来最严重的政治丑闻中——试图进入最高层的重庆市委书记薄熙来倒台。

在北京,因已到退休年龄,温家宝即将卸任总理一职。数位政治分析人士表示,即使在离任之后,作为党内老领导,他还将在幕后保有强大的政治力量,但这些显示其亲属曾在他任期内积累巨额财富的材料,几乎肯定会削弱他在党内的地位。

"这将影响他手中剩下的政治力量," 研究中国领导层的专家、加州克莱蒙麦肯纳学院(Claremont McKenna College)的政府学教授裴敏欣(Minxin Pei)表示。

温家宝的支持者表示,他本人并没有从家族的商业往来中获利,甚至可能也不太了解这些商业往来的规模。

今年3月,温家宝暗示,他至少是知晓自己的亲属引发了不少传言。在北京举行的一场向全国电视直播的新闻发布会上,温家宝坚称,自己担任公职期间"没有谋过私利"。

"我敢于面对人民、面对历史。"温家宝动情地说:"知我罪我,其惟春秋。"

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China Blocks Web Access to Times After Article
By KEITH BRADSHER
Published: October 25, 2012
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HONG KONG — The Chinese government swiftly blocked access early Friday morning to the Chinese-language Web site of The New York Times from computers in mainland China and gradually halted access to the English-language site as well after the news organization posted an article in both languages describing wealth accumulated by the family of the country’s prime minister.
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The authorities were also blocking attempts to mention The Times or the prime minister, Wen Jiabao, in postings on Sina Weibo, an extremely popular mini-blogging service in China that resembles Twitter.

The Foreign Ministry spokesman on duty in Beijing early Friday morning did not immediately answer phone calls for comment.

China maintains the world’s most extensive and sophisticated system for Internet censorship, employing tens of thousands of people to monitor what is said, delete entries that contravene the country’s extensive and unpublished regulations and even write new entries that are favorable to the government.

Rebecca MacKinnon, a senior fellow specializing in Internet free expression and privacy issues at the New America Foundation, a nonpartisan group headquartered in Washington, said that the Chinese interruption of Internet access was typical of the response to information that offended leaders.

“This is what they do: they get mad, they block you,” she said.

The English-language and Chinese-language Web sites of The Times are hosted on servers outside mainland China.

A spokeswoman for The Times, Eileen Murphy, expressed disappointment that Internet access had been blocked and noted that the Chinese-language Web site had attracted “great interest” in China.

“We hope that full access is restored shortly, and we will ask the Chinese authorities to ensure that our readers in China can continue to enjoy New York Times journalism,” she said in a statement, adding, “We will continue to report and translate stories applying the same journalistic standards that are upheld across The New York Times.”

Former President Jiang Zemin of China ordered an end to blocking of The New York Times Web site after meeting with journalists from The Times in August 2001. The company’s Web sites, like those of most other foreign media organizations, have remained mostly free of blocking since then, with occasional, temporary exceptions.

By midmorning on Friday in China, access to both the English- and Chinese-language Web sites of The Times was blocked from all 31 cities in mainland China tested. The Times had posted the article in English at 4:34 p.m. on Thursday in New York (4:34 a.m. Friday in Beijing), and finished posting the article in Chinese by 8 a.m. Friday in Beijing after the translation of final edits to the English-language version. So Chinese blockage of Web access followed very quickly.

Publication of the article about Mr. Wen and his family comes at a delicate time in Chinese politics, during a year in which factional rivalries and the personal lives of Chinese leaders have come into public view to a rare extent and drawn unprecedented international interest.

The Times’s statement called China “an increasingly open society, with increasingly sophisticated media,” adding, “The response to our site suggests that The Times can play an important role in the government’s efforts to raise the quality of journalism available to the Chinese people.”

The New York Times is not the first international organization to run into trouble with Chinese censors. Google decided to move its servers for the Chinese market in January 2010, to Hong Kong, a semiautonomous Chinese territory outside the country’s censorship firewalls, after the company was unable to reach an agreement with the Chinese authorities to allow unrestricted searches of the Internet.

Bloomberg published an article on June 29 describing wealth accumulated by the family of Vice President Xi Jinping, who is expected to become the country’s next top leader as general secretary of the Communist Party during the coming Party Congress.

Since then, Bloomberg’s operations have encountered a series of problems in mainland China, including the blocking of its Web site, which is in English.

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Billions in Hidden Riches for Family of Chinese Leader

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Mr. Wen visited the site of a high-speed train crash last year.
By DAVID BARBOZA
Published: October 25, 2012 180 Comments
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BEIJING — The mother of China’s prime minister was a schoolteacher in northern China. His father was ordered to tend pigs in one of Mao’s political campaigns. And during childhood, “my family was extremely poor,” the prime minister, Wen Jiabao, said in a speech last year.
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But now 90, the prime minister’s mother, Yang Zhiyun, not only left poverty behind — she became outright rich, at least on paper, according to corporate and regulatory records. Just one investment in her name, in a large Chinese financial services company, had a value of $120 million five years ago, the records show.

The details of how Ms. Yang, a widow, accumulated such wealth are not known, or even if she was aware of the holdings in her name. But it happened after her son was elevated to China’s ruling elite, first in 1998 as vice prime minister and then five years later as prime minister.

Many relatives of Wen Jiabao, including his son, daughter, younger brother and brother-in-law, have become extraordinarily wealthy during his leadership, an investigation by The New York Times shows. A review of corporate and regulatory records indicates that the prime minister’s relatives, some of whom have a knack for aggressive deal-making, including his wife, have controlled assets worth at least $2.7 billion.

In many cases, the names of the relatives have been hidden behind layers of partnerships and investment vehicles involving friends, work colleagues and business partners. Untangling their financial holdings provides an unusually detailed look at how politically connected people have profited from being at the intersection of government and business as state influence and private wealth converge in China’s fast-growing economy.

Unlike most new businesses in China, the family’s ventures sometimes received financial backing from state-owned companies, including China Mobile, one of the country’s biggest phone operators, the documents show. At other times, the ventures won support from some of Asia’s richest tycoons. The Times found that Mr. Wen’s relatives accumulated shares in banks, jewelers, tourist resorts, telecommunications companies and infrastructure projects, sometimes by using offshore entities.

The holdings include a villa development project in Beijing; a tire factory in northern China; a company that helped build some of Beijing’s Olympic stadiums, including the well-known “Bird’s Nest”; and Ping An Insurance, one of the world’s biggest financial services companies.

As prime minister in an economy that remains heavily state-driven, Mr. Wen, who is best known for his simple ways and common touch, more importantly has broad authority over the major industries where his relatives have made their fortunes. Chinese companies cannot list their shares on a stock exchange without approval from agencies overseen by Mr. Wen, for example. He also has the power to influence investments in strategic sectors like energy and telecommunications.

Because the Chinese government rarely makes its deliberations public, it is not known what role — if any — Mr. Wen, who is 70, has played in most policy or regulatory decisions. But in some cases, his relatives have sought to profit from opportunities made possible by those decisions.

The prime minister’s younger brother, for example, has a company that was awarded more than $30 million in government contracts and subsidies to handle wastewater treatment and medical waste disposal for some of China’s biggest cities, according to estimates based on government records. The contracts were announced after Mr. Wen ordered tougher regulations on medical waste disposal in 2003 after the SARS outbreak.

In 2004, after the State Council, a government body Mr. Wen presides over, exempted Ping An Insurance and other companies from rules that limited their scope, Ping An went on to raise $1.8 billion in an initial public offering of stock. Partnerships controlled by Mr. Wen’s relatives — along with their friends and colleagues — made a fortune by investing in the company before the public offering.

In 2007, the last year the stock holdings were disclosed in public documents, those partnerships held as much as $2.2 billion worth of Ping An stock, according to an accounting of the investments by The Times that was verified by outside auditors. Ping An’s overall market value is now nearly $60 billion.

Ping An said in a statement that the company did “not know the background of the entities behind our shareholders.” The statement said, “Ping An has no means to know the intentions behind shareholders when they buy and sell our shares.”

While Communist Party regulations call for top officials to disclose their wealth and that of their immediate family members, no law or regulation prohibits relatives of even the most senior officials from becoming deal-makers or major investors — a loophole that effectively allows them to trade on their family name. Some Chinese argue that permitting the families of Communist Party leaders to profit from the country’s long economic boom has been important to ensuring elite support for market-oriented reforms.

Even so, the business dealings of Mr. Wen’s relatives have sometimes been hidden in ways that suggest the relatives are eager to avoid public scrutiny, the records filed with Chinese regulatory authorities show. Their ownership stakes are often veiled by an intricate web of holdings as many as five steps removed from the operating companies, according to the review.

In the case of Mr. Wen’s mother, The Times calculated her stake in Ping An — valued at $120 million in 2007 — by examining public records and government-issued identity cards, and by following the ownership trail to three Chinese investment entities. The name recorded on his mother’s shares was Taihong, a holding company registered in Tianjin, the prime minister’s hometown.

The apparent efforts to conceal the wealth reflect the highly charged politics surrounding the country’s ruling elite, many of whom are also enormously wealthy but reluctant to draw attention to their riches. When Bloomberg News reported in June that the extended family of Vice President Xi Jinping, set to become China’s next president, had amassed hundreds of millions of dollars in assets, the Chinese government blocked access inside the country to the Bloomberg Web site.

“In the senior leadership, there’s no family that doesn’t have these problems,” said a former government colleague of Wen Jiabao who has known him for more than 20 years and who spoke on the condition of anonymity. “His enemies are intentionally trying to smear him by letting this leak out.”

The Times presented its findings to the Chinese government for comment. The Foreign Ministry declined to respond to questions about the investments, the prime minister or his relatives. Members of Mr. Wen’s family also declined to comment or did not respond to requests for comment.

Duan Weihong, a wealthy businesswoman whose company, Taihong, was the investment vehicle for the Ping An shares held by the prime minister’s mother and other relatives, said the investments were actually her own. Ms. Duan, who comes from the prime minister’s hometown and is a close friend of his wife, said ownership of the shares was listed in the names of Mr. Wen’s relatives in an effort to conceal the size of Ms. Duan’s own holdings.

“When I invested in Ping An I didn’t want to be written about,” Ms. Duan said, “so I had my relatives find some other people to hold these shares for me.”

But it was an “accident,” she said, that her company chose the relatives of the prime minister as the listed shareholders — a process that required registering their official ID numbers and obtaining their signatures. Until presented with the names of the investors by The Times, she said, she had no idea that they had selected the relatives of Wen Jiabao.

The review of the corporate and regulatory records, which covers 1992 to 2012, found no holdings in Mr. Wen’s name. And it was not possible to determine from the documents whether he recused himself from any decisions that might have affected his relatives’ holdings, or whether they received preferential treatment on investments.

For much of his tenure, Wen Jiabao has been at the center of rumors and conjecture about his relatives’ efforts to profit from his position. Until the review by The Times, there has been no detailed accounting of the family’s riches.

His wife, Zhang Beili, is one of the country’s leading authorities on jewelry and gemstones and is an accomplished businesswoman in her own right. By managing state diamond companies that were later privatized, The Times found, she helped her relatives parlay their minority stakes into a billion-dollar portfolio of insurance, technology and real estate ventures.

The couple’s only son sold a technology company he started to the family of Hong Kong’s richest man, Li Ka-shing, for $10 million, and used another investment vehicle to establish New Horizon Capital, now one of China’s biggest private equity firms, with partners like the government of Singapore, according to records and interviews with bankers.

The prime minister’s younger brother, Wen Jiahong, controls $200 million in assets, including wastewater treatment plants and recycling businesses, the records show.

As prime minister, Mr. Wen has staked out a position as a populist and a reformer, someone whom the state-run media has nicknamed “the People’s Premier” and “Grandpa Wen” because of his frequent outings to meet ordinary people, especially in moments of crisis like natural disasters.

While it is unclear how much the prime minister knows about his family’s wealth, State Department documents released by the WikiLeaks organization in 2010 included a cable that suggested Mr. Wen was aware of his relatives’ business dealings and unhappy about them.

“Wen is disgusted with his family’s activities, but is either unable or unwilling to curtail them,” a Chinese-born executive working at an American company in Shanghai told American diplomats, according to the 2007 cable.

China’s ‘Diamond Queen’

It is no secret in China’s elite circles that the prime minister’s wife, Zhang Beili, is rich, and that she has helped control the nation’s jewelry and gem trade. But her lucrative diamond businesses became an off-the-charts success only as her husband moved into the country’s top leadership ranks, the review of corporate and regulatory records by The Times found.

A geologist with an expertise in gemstones, Ms. Zhang is largely unknown among ordinary Chinese. She rarely travels with the prime minister or appears with him, and there are few official photographs of the couple together. And while people who have worked with her say she has a taste for jade and fine diamonds, they say she usually dresses modestly, does not exude glamour and prefers to wield influence behind the scenes, much like the relatives of other senior leaders.

The State Department documents released by WikiLeaks included a suggestion that Mr. Wen had once considered divorcing Ms. Zhang because she had exploited their relationship in her diamond trades. Taiwanese television reported in 2007 that Ms. Zhang had bought a pair of jade earrings worth about $275,000 at a Beijing trade show, though the source — a Taiwanese trader — later backed off the claim and Chinese government censors moved swiftly to block coverage of the subject in China, according to news reports at the time.

“Her business activities are known to everyone in the leadership,” said one banker who worked with relatives of Wen Jiabao. The banker said it was not unusual for her office to call upon businesspeople. “And if you get that call, how can you say no?”

Zhang Beili first gained influence in the 1990s, while working as a regulator at the Ministry of Geology. At the time, China’s jewelry market was still in its infancy.

While her husband was serving in China’s main leadership compound, known as Zhongnanhai, Ms. Zhang was setting industry standards in the jewelry and gem trade. She helped create the National Gemstone Testing Center in Beijing, and the Shanghai Diamond Exchange, two of the industry’s most powerful institutions.

In a country where the state has long dominated the marketplace, jewelry regulators often decided which companies could set up diamond-processing factories, and which would gain entry to the retail jewelry market. State regulators even formulated rules that required diamond sellers to buy certificates of authenticity for any diamond sold in China, from the government-run testing center in Beijing, which Ms. Zhang managed.

As a result, when executives from Cartier or De Beers visited China with hopes of selling diamonds and jewelry here, they often went to visit Ms. Zhang, who became known as China’s “diamond queen.”

“She’s the most important person there,” said Gaetano Cavalieri, president of the World Jewelry Confederation in Switzerland. “She was bridging relations between partners — Chinese and foreign partners.”

As early as 1992, people who worked with Ms. Zhang said, she had begun to blur the line between government official and businesswoman. As head of the state-owned China Mineral and Gem Corporation, she began investing the state company’s money in start-ups. And by the time her husband was named vice premier, in 1998, she was busy setting up business ventures with friends and relatives.

The state company she ran invested in a group of affiliated diamond companies, according to public records. Many of them were run by Ms. Zhang’s relatives — or colleagues who had worked with her at the National Gemstone Testing Center.

In 1993, for instance, the state company Ms. Zhang ran helped found Beijing Diamond, a big jewelry retailer. A year later, one of her younger brothers, Zhang Jianming, and two of her government colleagues personally acquired 80 percent of the company, according to shareholder registers. Beijing Diamond invested in Shenzhen Diamond, which was controlled by her brother-in-law, Wen Jiahong, the prime minister’s younger brother.

Among the successful undertakings was Sino-Diamond, a venture financed by the state-owned China Mineral and Gem Corporation, which she headed. The company had business ties with a state-owned company managed by another brother, Zhang Jiankun, who worked as an official in Jiaxing, Ms. Zhang’s hometown, in Zhejiang Province.

In the summer of 1999, after securing agreements to import diamonds from Russia and South Africa, Sino-Diamond went public, raising $50 million on the Shanghai Stock Exchange. The offering netted Ms. Zhang’s family about $8 million, according to corporate filings.

Although she was never listed as a shareholder, former colleagues and business partners say Ms. Zhang’s early diamond partnerships were the nucleus of a larger portfolio of companies she would later help her family and colleagues gain a stake in.

The Times found no indication that Wen Jiabao used his political clout to influence the diamond companies his relatives invested in. But former business partners said that the family’s success in diamonds, and beyond, was often bolstered with financial backing from wealthy businessmen who sought to curry favor with the prime minister’s family.

“After Wen became prime minister, his wife sold off some of her diamond investments and moved into new things,” said a Chinese executive who did business with the family. He asked not to be named because of fear of government retaliation. Corporate records show that beginning in the late 1990s, a series of rich businessmen took turns buying up large stakes in the diamond companies, often from relatives of Mr. Wen, and then helped them reinvest in other lucrative ventures, like real estate and finance.

According to corporate records and interviews, the businessmen often supplied accountants and office space to investment partnerships partly controlled by the relatives.

“When they formed companies,” said one businessman who set up a company with members of the Wen family, “Ms. Zhang stayed in the background. That’s how it worked.”

The Only Son

Late one evening early this year, the prime minister’s only son, Wen Yunsong, was in the cigar lounge at Xiu, an upscale bar and lounge at the Park Hyatt in Beijing. He was having cocktails as Beijing’s nouveau riche gathered around, clutching designer bags and wearing expensive business suits, according to two guests who were present.

In China, the children of senior leaders are widely believed to be in a class of their own. Known as “princelings,” they often hold Ivy League degrees, get V.I.P. treatment, and are even offered preferred pricing on shares in hot stock offerings.

They are also known as people who can get things done in China’s heavily regulated marketplace, where the state controls access. And in recent years, few princelings have been as bold as the younger Mr. Wen, who goes by the English name Winston and is about 40 years old.

A Times review of Winston Wen’s investments, and interviews with people who have known him for years, show that his deal-making has been extensive and lucrative, even by the standards of his princeling peers.

State-run giants like China Mobile have formed start-ups with him. In recent years, Winston Wen has been in talks with Hollywood studios about a financing deal.

Concerned that China does not have an elite boarding school for Chinese students, he recently hired the headmasters of Choate and Hotchkiss in Connecticut to oversee the creation of a $150 million private school now being built in the Beijing suburbs.

Winston Wen and his wife, moreover, have stakes in the technology industry and an electric company, as well as an indirect stake in Union Mobile Pay, the government-backed online payment platform — all while living in the prime minister’s residence, in central Beijing, according to corporate records and people familiar with the family’s investments.

“He’s not shy about using his influence to get things done,” said one venture capitalist who regularly meets with Winston Wen.

The younger Mr. Wen declined to comment. But in a telephone interview, his wife, Yang Xiaomeng, said her husband had been unfairly criticized for his business dealings.

“Everything that has been written about him has been wrong,” she said. “He’s really not doing that much business anymore.”

Winston Wen was educated in Beijing and then earned an engineering degree from the Beijing Institute of Technology. He went abroad and earned a master’s degree in engineering materials from the University of Windsor, in Canada, and an M.B.A. from the Kellogg School of Business at Northwestern University in Evanston, Ill., just outside Chicago.

When he returned to China in 2000, he helped set up three successful technology companies in five years, according to people familiar with those deals. Two of them were sold to Hong Kong businessmen, one to the family of Li Ka-shing, one of the wealthiest men in Asia.

Winston Wen’s earliest venture, an Internet data services provider called Unihub Global, was founded in 2000 with $2 million in start-up capital, according to Hong Kong and Beijing corporate filings. Financing came from a tight-knit group of relatives and his mother’s former colleagues from government and the diamond trade, as well as an associate of Cheng Yu-tung, patriarch of Hong Kong’s second-wealthiest family. The firm’s earliest customers were state-owned brokerage houses and Ping An, in which the Wen family has held a large financial stake.

He made an even bolder move in 2005, by pushing into private equity when he formed New Horizon Capital with a group of Chinese-born classmates from Northwestern. The firm quickly raised $100 million from investors, including SBI Holdings, a division of the Japanese group SoftBank, and Temasek, the Singapore government investment fund.

Under Mr. Wen, New Horizon established itself as a leading private equity firm, investing in biotech, solar, wind and construction equipment makers. Since it began operations, the firm has returned about $430 million to investors, a fourfold profit, according to SBI Holdings.

“Their first fund was dynamite,” said Kathleen Ng, editor of Asia Private Equity Review, an industry publication in Hong Kong. “And that allowed them to raise a lot more money.”

Today, New Horizon has more than $2.5 billion under management.

Some of Winston Wen’s deal-making, though, has attracted unwanted attention for the prime minister.

In 2010, when New Horizon acquired a 9 percent stake in a company called Sihuan Pharmaceuticals just two months before its public offering, the Hong Kong Stock Exchange said the late-stage investment violated its rules and forced the firm to return the stake. Still, New Horizon made a $46.5 million profit on the sale.

Soon after, New Horizon announced that Winston Wen had handed over day-to-day operations and taken up a position at the China Satellite Communications Corporation, a state-owned company that has ties to the Chinese space program. He has since been named chairman.

The Tycoons

In the late 1990s, Duan Weihong was managing an office building and several other properties in Tianjin, the prime minister’s hometown in northern China, through her property company, Taihong. She was in her 20s and had studied at the Nanjing University of Science and Technology.

Around 2002, Ms. Duan went into business with several relatives of Wen Jiabao, transforming her property company into an investment vehicle of the same name. The company helped make Ms. Duan very wealthy.

It is not known whether Ms. Duan, now 43, is related to the prime minister. In a series of interviews, she first said she did not know any members of the Wen family, but later described herself as a friend of the family and particularly close to Zhang Beili, the prime minister’s wife. As happened to a handful of other Chinese entrepreneurs, Ms. Duan’s fortunes soared as she teamed up with the relatives and their network of friends and colleagues, though she described her relationship with them involving the shares in Ping An as existing on paper only and having no financial component.

Ms. Duan and other wealthy businesspeople — among them, six billionaires from across China — have been instrumental in getting multimillion-dollar ventures off the ground and, at crucial times, helping members of the Wen family set up investment vehicles to profit from them, according to investment bankers who have worked with all parties.

Established in Tianjin, Taihong had spectacular returns. In 2002, the company paid about $65 million to acquire a 3 percent stake in Ping An before its initial public offering, according to corporate records and Ms. Duan’s graduate school thesis. Five years later, those shares were worth $3.7 billion

The company’s Hong Kong affiliate, Great Ocean, also run by Ms. Duan, later formed a joint venture with the Beijing government and acquired a huge tract of land adjacent to Capital International Airport. Today, the site is home to a sprawling cargo and logistics center. Last year, Great Ocean sold its 53 percent stake in the project to a Singapore company for nearly $400 million.

That deal and several other investments, in luxury hotels, Beijing villa developments and the Hong Kong-listed BBMG, one of China’s largest building materials companies, have been instrumental to Ms. Duan’s accumulation of riches, according to The Times’s review of corporate records.

The review also showed that over the past decade there have been nearly three dozen individual shareholders of Taihong, many of whom are either relatives of Wen Jiabao or former colleagues of his wife.

The other wealthy entrepreneurs who have worked with the prime minister’s relatives declined to comment for this article. Ms. Duan strongly denied having financial ties to the prime minister or his relatives and said she was only trying to avoid publicity by listing others as owning Ping An shares. “The money I invested in Ping An was completely my own,” said Ms. Duan, who has served as a member of the Ping An board of supervisors. “Everything I did was legal.”

Another wealthy partner of the Wen relatives has been Cheng Yu-tung, who controls the Hong Kong conglomerate New World Development and is one of the richest men in Asia, worth about $15 billion, according to Forbes.

In the 1990s, New World was seeking a foothold in mainland China for a sister company that specializes in high-end retail jewelry. The retail chain, Chow Tai Fook, opened its first store in China in 1998.

Mr. Cheng and his associates invested in a diamond venture backed by the relatives of Mr. Wen and co-invested with them in an array of corporate entities, including Sino-Life, National Trust and Ping An, according to records and interviews with some of those involved. Those investments by Mr. Cheng are now worth at least $5 billion, according to the corporate filings. Chow Tai Fook, the jewelry chain, has also flourished. Today, China accounts for 60 percent of the chain’s $4.2 billion in annual revenue.

Mr. Cheng, 87, could not be reached for comment. Calls to New World Development were not returned.

Fallout for Premier

In the winter of 2007, just before he began his second term as prime minister, Wen Jiabao called for new measures to fight corruption, particularly among high-ranking officials.

“Leaders at all levels of government should take the lead in the antigraft drive,” he told a gathering of high-level party members in Beijing. “They should strictly ensure that their family members, friends and close subordinates do not abuse government influence.”

The speech was consistent with the prime minister’s earlier drive to toughen disclosure rules for public servants, and to require senior officials to reveal their family assets.

Whether Mr. Wen has made such disclosures for his own family is unclear, since the Communist Party does not release such information. Even so, many of the holdings found by The Times would not need to be disclosed under the rules since they are not held in the name of the prime minister’s immediate family — his wife, son and daughter.

Eighty percent of the $2.7 billion in assets identified in The Times’s investigation and verified by the outside auditors were held by, among others, the prime minister’s mother, his younger brother, two brothers-in-law, a sister-in-law, daughter-in-law and the parents of his son’s wife, none of whom is subject to party disclosure rules. The total value of the relatives’ stake in Ping An is based on calculations by The Times that were confirmed by the auditors. The total includes shares held by the relatives that were sold between 2004 and 2006, and the value of the remaining shares in late 2007, the last time the holdings were publicly disclosed.

Legal experts said that determining the precise value of holdings in China could be difficult because there might be undisclosed side agreements about the true beneficiaries.

“Complex corporate structures are not necessarily insidious,” said Curtis J. Milhaupt, a Columbia University Law School professor who has studied China’s corporate group structures. “But in a system like China’s, where corporate ownership and political power are closely intertwined, shell companies magnify questions about who owns what and where the money came from.”

Among the investors in the Wen family ventures are longtime business associates, former colleagues and college classmates, including Yu Jianming, who attended Northwestern with Winston Wen, and Zhang Yuhong, a longtime colleague of Wen Jiahong, the prime minister’s younger brother. The associates did not return telephone calls seeking comment.

Revelations about the Wen family’s wealth could weaken him politically.

Next month, at the 18th Party Congress in Beijing, the Communist Party is expected to announce a new generation of leaders. But the selection process has already been marred by one of the worst political scandals in decades, the downfall of Bo Xilai, the Chongqing party boss, who was vying for a top position.

In Beijing, Wen Jiabao is expected to step down as prime minister because he has reached retirement age. Political analysts say that even after leaving office he could remain a strong backstage political force. But documents showing that his relatives amassed a fortune during his tenure could diminish his standing, the analysts said.

“This will affect whatever residual power Wen has,” said Minxin Pei, an expert on Chinese leadership and a professor of government at Claremont McKenna College in California.

The prime minister’s supporters say he has not personally benefited from his extended family’s business dealings, and may not even be knowledgeable about the extent of them.

Last March, the prime minister hinted that he was at least aware of the persistent rumors about his relatives. During a nationally televised news conference in Beijing, he insisted that he had “never pursued personal gain” in public office.

“I have the courage to face the people and to face history,” he said in an emotional session. “There are people who will appreciate what I have done, but there are also people who will criticize me. Ultimately, history will have the final say.”


A version of this article appeared in print on October 26, 2012, on page A1 of the New York edition with the headline: Billions Amassed in the Shadows By the Family of China’s Premier.

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