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Jenny Yoeng
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法律的尊严

在中国,法律没有什么严肃性,网友说:[轉]某大学法学教授在课堂上讲道:同学们,现在这社会啊,大案看政治,中案看影响,小案看关系 话还没讲完,一愤青同学猛地把课本摔在地上:请问,什么时候看法律呢?我不学了!教授指了指地上的书,意味深长的说:骚年,我看你还是把课本捡起来。我可以负责任的告诉你,期末考试的时候肯定看法律。

那么是谁破坏了法治的建立?居然是政治家们错误的政治选择造成了中国如此混乱的法律乱象(参考许志永案件,城管执法以及贪污腐败的执政者)。

李教授文中指出:

司法权威是一种政治选择而不是司法选择,在这种政治选择中,一个国家对待法治的态度直接决定了司法的地位。当代中国司法赋权的政治选择主要是在建国后进行的。本世纪以来以法制现代化为重要宗旨之一的政治改革,所取得的成就也大致是政治层面上的,而不是社会层面上的。这就使企图以法律来规范人际关系的上层政治动机和习惯于以人际关系左右法律的下层社会习俗间必然地形成抵牾。因此,虽然我们已经有了来自上层的诸多法律,但是这种法律一伸展到下层社会,便很快地成为可以任意左右、解释、甚至摆布的工具。问题的更严重之处还在于司法的实际不独立,司法自身不但没有摆脱世俗的社会关系,而且成为世俗社会关系的枢纽之一。当人们对司法主体缺乏一种必要的神圣感时,当一种制度将法官设计得和普通人无所区别时,当法官自己心甘情愿地混入世俗关系之中时,司法的权威便荡然无存,人们对司法的尊重也无所依凭。(26)由此观之,要探究当代中国司法权威问题,最终必然要回归到对司法的宪法赋权问题上来。

在社会生活中,法律未能被普遍信仰,法律得不到有效的实施,司法权威尚未树立,在众多解决纠纷的渠道中,司法并非人们的首选或者最终选择。“信上访不信法”不正常,领导级别越高、批示越明确,解决问题越快,信访群众越是“一窝蜂”涌向党委、政府寻求“直通车”,甚至认为“小闹小解决,大闹大解决、不闹不解决”。从解决纠纷的渠道上看,当前最重要的国情就是“信访不信法”,信访制度不仅成为纠纷解决主渠道,而且业已构成对诉讼等主渠道的挑战。这种现象背后,潜藏的是一种深层的“社会底蕴”,这就是“法律无用”的文化。

前文提到1954年《宪法》明确了人民法院独立行使审判权,这是在国家权力层面上讲的。至于党对司法工作的领导,虽经历了复杂的变化过程,但基本不变的是党对司法工作的直接领导。这种领导的表现形式多种多样,尤以1958年党权代行司法权为典型,它的基础是党委审批案件。(37)在这种体制下,司法权的实际控制者不是法院,而是党委,这与法治的要求完全背离。
李清伟:司法权威的中国语境与路径选择
更新时间:2014-04-18 22:52:10
http://www.aisixiang.com/data/74071.html
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Don't be fooled :-) 
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春天来了

赵高斗伏地魔,棍子依然是棍子,段子手依然说段子,公知依然共识。不同的是民众的想法已然不同..
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The FP Top 100 Global Thinkers 2010
Chinese Hanhan(韩2 )interview video clips
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New study published in the journal 'Memory' suggests that it is more likely to remember pleasant events than painful experiences.
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This whitepaper is a starting guide for enterprise IT on the most efficient model for scaling crowdsourced technical projects. 
Learn about competition-based crowdsourcing, and how enterprise IT can augment technical teams with crowdsourced development, design and data science talent
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Have her in circles
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爱我中华,振兴中华的路径...
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共识君们都肾气十足。
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Have her in circles
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