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The operational diversities of the Indian Army coupled with terrain varying from sea level to Siachen Glacier that it operates in, underlines the need for state-of-the-art, advanced technology helicopters capable of operating both by day and night, in a complex battlefield environment of the future.

As per reports, the Indian armed forces are looking to induct more than 1,200 helicopters in the coming decade, ranging from attack, armed and high altitude reconnaissance to medium and heavy-lift platforms.

The AAC is expected to get the largest share of these acquisitions totaling to around 600 helicopters.
The Aviation Arm of the Indian Army today is nowhere near the one envisaged in 1963 or as has been projected in the Indian Army’s perspective plans over the years and lacks some vital elements in its inventory related to firepower, lift and logistics capability.
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The cold war syndrome has also expanded within the region, including China and India.

While China has done well to encircle India by trying to lure common neighbours like Nepal, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Maldives with ‘Infrastructure and Purse Diplomacy’, blocking India’s entry into NSG, appeasing militants in Pakistan by blocking JeM Chief being declared a global terrorist despite the organisation being on declared terrorist organisation list, and helping Pakistan in every possible way with resources, which can be used for inimical activities against India.

India has also responded to protect its interests, by voicing its concerns in South China Sea and CPEC, or helping Mongolia financially, or allowing free movement of Dalai Lama or cooperation with Japan on various issues including nuclear cooperation and military exercises.

The ‘Cold war’ of 20th century has taken a Paradigm shift in 21st Century, is heating up with new players and expanding to new dimensions. The latest and largest player to enter Cold War arena is China, who in last six months has made best use of the US relativ
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The 1962 conflict with China remains a deep scar on the Indian psyche...
While the Indian National Congress is still able to remember the role of former prime ministers Lal Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi in the India-Pakistan
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Indians, despite Pakistan’s treachery of sixty-five years had learnt ‘no lessons’.
Pakistan once again managed to befool New Delhi and the Indian media through its diversionary tactics. They cleverly diverted the attention from the...
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We should not forget that our real adversary is China not the US. China claims our territory, the US our partnership.
US Defense Secretary Leon Panetta’s visit to India on June 5-6 and the third round of the India-US Strategic dialogue at Washington on June 13 have provoked
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The aspect of deporting Abu Jindal subsequently by Saudi Intelligence shows that the Western intelligence agencies led primarily by America are responsible for pressurizing the Saudis to handover perpetrators of 26/11 to India. The role of Indian Intelligence and Delhi Police appears to be limited to the extent that they were kept in the loop.
Prima facie it appears that Abu Jindal and Abu Hamza are assumed names of an Indian citizen Syed Zabuddin Ansari. Lashkar-e-Toiba normally provides such
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By initiating the global solar alliance and adopting the hugely ambitious renewable energy targets for India, Modi took a leadership role in an area where India had been on the defensive.

As part of the process of making India a “leading power”, Modi personally pushed for membership of the Nuclear Suppliers Group despite known Chinese opposition. The thinking might have been that in the power game, India should not shy away from public diplomatic tussles with China on important issues, even as we engage China positively on other fronts.

To allow China to cynically use the argument of India’s non-NPT status to deny it NSG membership and tie it with that of Pakistan’s was a blow to US prestige too, as the message was that the US could not deliver what it wanted to its new friend, India, over China’s head.

American disinclination to enlarge the differences with China in areas not considered critical might explain the failure to deliver on its promise to obtain NSG membership for India during the year. India, however, obtained membership of the Missile Technology Control Regime.

The year, 2016, was a difficult one for the India-China relationship, with the promise of earlier years fading as China decided to trim India’s status internationally, equate it with Pakistan and demonstrate its own primacy in Asia.

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Weaponisation of space is different from militarisation of space that includes using of space-based assets for C4ISR (Command, Control, Communications, Computers, Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance).

Militarisation of space assists armies in the battleground, whereas the placing of weapons in the outer space, space is itself emerging as a battleground, and is hence also referred to as the “fourth frontier of war.

An important point to remember is that today’s space-faring nations use their Ballistic Missile Defence (BMD) System, which includes long-range ICBMs, as an auxiliary system capable of destroying space-based assets.

China has been making impressive headway in its ICBM program and in theory, these ICBMs can target U.S.’ Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance (ISR) satellites.

In the study of Geopolitics, scholars have come to accept outer space as the “fourth frontier of war” that has the potential to decide the course of a war. In the highly “informatised” and technologically advanced battles that have emerged in the 21st century, outer space will play a dominant role that will direct military operations and help in m
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Use of religion or any “ism invariably gives rise to multitude of radical streams out of control of the main leadership. This is what has happened in Kashmir because a whole generation has been brought up in a culture of religious fundamentalism and intolerance of other faiths.
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India should remain vigilant.
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The acquisition of Vikrmaditya (Gorshkov) formed part of the joint Indo-Russian Protocol on Military Technical Cooperation signed in December 1994. The financial aspects were unusual – Gorshkov ‘as is, where is’ would be free; India need only pay for the cost of refit and the aircraft.
Sea Trials of India's Aircraft Carrier Vikramaditya (Gorshkov) · Inside the Pakistani Jail · Chiefs of Indian Army since Independence · Apache Block III Attack Helicopters Interoperable With Drones · ...
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Encouraged by its re-enhanced influence and the backing of the Army and the ISI, it is to be expected that the LET will redouble its efforts for another terrorist strike in India.
The Lashkar-e-Toiba (LET), which had refrained from any major terrorist attack in India, including Jammu & Kashmir, after the 26/11 terrorist strikes in Mum
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Ansari is a much more important catch than Ajmal Kasab…Kasab was a foot jihadi who carried out orders. Ansari was part of the team of six main conspirators who helped Hafiz Mohammad Sayeed...
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Indian Defence Review
Introduction
Indian Defence Review (IDR) in print andwww.Indiandefencereview.com are considered as the most respected forum for strategic discussion in India.

Indian Defence Review (IDR), the brainchild of former captain of the Indian army, was launched on January 1, 1986 as a logical addition to Lancer, the first dedicated Indian military publishing house established in 1979.

Under the direction and leadership of its first two editors, Lt. Gen Mathew Thomas (1986) and Maj. Gen Afsir Karim (1993), both distinguished paratroopers, IDR began public engagement and national debate on military and security issues, which received immediate attention of the defence establishment, policy makers and national leadership in India.

Continuing in this strong tradition and moving aggressively forward, IDR publisher and its third editor, Capt. Bharat Verma (1998), finally succeeded in placing the national security challenges “front and centre” of the public debate. With the launch of web version of the journal, www.indiandefencereview.com in 2006, IDR  became India’s preeminent public policy publication on foreign policy and national security issues.

IDR is a highly reliable, respected and unique resource for government and defence officials, strategic planners, analysts, journalists and the general public.

IDR extensively covers geopolitics, foreign policy, aerospace trends, naval affairs, army force development, and internal security and the defence industry.  The journal is a trusted, independent and comprehensive source of critical information and insight that is necessary for public debate and civil discourse on matters related to India’s sovereignty, national integrity, security and defence. When important national security and defence issues arise, IDR is not only part of the conversation but also shapes the national debate.

IDR brings together leading experts (ex-military, government and academia) who provide the highest quality of independent, timely and authoritative expert analysis of current national and international events, emerging trends relating to security and defence, historical analysis and strategic forecasting and offer practical and pragmatic solutions and policy options that help address security and defence challenges impacting India.

IDR writers have made deep inroads into national security and defence debate once considered to be the preserve of the establishment in New Delhi, which in the past only relied and depended on analysis imported from foreign publications.

IDR, the country’s premium and most prestigious journal, won accolades including “India’s best known military publication” and “the most impressive, useful and independent publication” and remains the “most quoted”. Considered a ‘policy making journal,’ IDR is recommended reading by the Army, Navy, and the Air Force headquarters for officers.

Today, IDR is acknowledged as one of the top journals in the defence sector, is available in “print” as well as “on-line” and interacts with the social media.

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