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Xaime Aguiar
Lives in Morocco
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Xaime Aguiar

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Palestine has many calling cards: the olive tree branch, the golden Dome of the Rock, the kufiyyeh, et cetera. . . . But all are arguably surpassed by Handala, the little refugee kid drawn by the late cartoonist Naji al-Ali. With his back turned against a world that turned its gaze away from the Palestinians starting with the 1917 Balfour Declaration that spoken only for Jewish self-determination, Handala has become the quintessential mark of Palestine solidarity from graffiti on the Israeli separation barrier to necklaces donned by activists. Naji al-Ali, whose life was tragically cut short by a PLO angry with his dissenting views, may have marked the first entry of comic and graphic images in Palestinian storytelling.
  Palestine has many calling cards: the olive tree branch, the golden Dome of the Rock, the kufiyyeh, et cetera. . . . But all are arguably surpassed by Handala, the little refugee kid drawn b...
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"...cut short by a PLO angry with his dissenting views..."
Sure.
:|
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"Yesterday I lost a country.
I was in a hurry,
and didn't notice when it fell from me
like a broken branch from a forgetful tree.
Please, if anyone passes by
and stumbles across it,
perhaps in a suitcase
open to the sky,
or engraved on a rock 
like a gaping wound,
or wrapped
in the blankets of emigrants,
or canceled
like a losing lottery ticket,
or helplessly forgotten
in Purgatory,
or rushing forward without a goal
like the questions of children,
or rising with the smoke of war,
or rolling in a helmet on the sand,
or stolen in Ali Baba's jar,
or disguised in the uniform of a policeman
who stirred up the prisoners
and fled,
or squatting in the mind of a woman
who tries to smile,
or scattered like the dreams
of new immigrants in America.
If anyone stumbles across it, 
return it to me, please.
Please return it, sir.
Please return it, madam.
It is my country...
I was in a hurry
when I lost it yesterday."
Dunya Mikhail fled her homeland in the wake of the first Gulf War, after her writing was labeled subversive by Saddam Hussein's government. She has never physically returned to Iraq, but she remembers it in her poetry.
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+Linda Anani thnks!!!!
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There are community-specific slums in Islamabad; the slum found in the sector I-11 belongs primarily to the Afghan refugee population, while those in sectors F-6, F-7, G-7, G-8 and G-12 belong to the Pakistani Christian and Muslim population. The people that reside in these slums are inherently poor and lack basic facilities of life.

However, they perform a very important task of providing essential services to the permanent residents of Islamabad. Most of the male and female population in these slums is employed as sanitary workers, guards and cleaners in the Capital Development Authority, as well as in nearby households.

This not only provides the marginalised slum population with employment opportunities, but serves as a “cheap recruitment pool” for the well-to-do of the city.
Where will these people go, if evicted forcefully, without a rehabilitation plan? The government doesn't have an answer.
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Sigh
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Who speaks for Islam? Is 'Islamophobia' a uniquely present-day problem? Does it even exist?

"In America i'm asked, why does  Islam hates the West? Abroad, i'm asked, Why does the West hates Islam? And all this time i'm asking myself, Who's Islam? And who's the West? And how come I've never met either of them?"
The public discourse around Islamophobia has grown considerably. ;Brian Lehrer leads ;a discussion ;with ;influential commentators and scholars ;to explore the issues at stake.
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In recent decades, Islam here has been associated largely with terrorist attacks, two wars against separatists in Chechnya and a continuing insurgency in the North Caucasus. Muslim women in particular have been stigmatized because of so-called black widows, women who become suicide bombers to avenge the deaths of their fathers, brothers and husbands. Russian tabloids and television have reinforced that stereotype.

The Russian government’s strained relations with the United States and Europe have the Kremlin looking to strengthen ties with other parts of the world, notably China and countries in the Middle East with large Muslim populations. Muslims in Russia have also received a public relations boost from President Vladimir V. Putin’s recent emphasis on conservative values, including religion.
As the political landscape shifts in Russia, Muslims, who were once frequently stigmatized, see an opportunity to redefine their role in society.
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Shah’s new book Ahmedabad: A City in the World was prompted by the silence in civil society in the aftermath of the 2002 anti-Muslim riots. “It was eerie, as if it didn’t happen. People told me the national media had made it all up. Or it was justified, ‘they’ deserved it. Then there came a time when you could not bring it up because the reactions were so unpleasant. That was when I shut up and said: let me try and understand this,” she says. Simultaneously, she saw it being remade in the image of a “global” city of middle-class fantasy under then chief minister Narendra Modi, a place of flamboyant flyovers and luxury hotels. Shah is provocative in suggesting that there is a connection: that the transformation of the city and the riots, which purged Muslims from the heart of the old pols and colonies, were not two separate things. “I see 2002 as a setting stage for a structural shift, for the way the city gets reshaped,” she says, as she unpacks the strands of her argument during an interview in Delhi. “The phenomenon of Hindus and Muslims moving out of mixed areas started in the 1980s. In 2002, there was a completion of that process. But also, the riots gave Modi the reputation of being strong and being able to put down dissent. 
In her new book, writer Amrita Shah looks at how violence and development shaped Ahmedabad’s encounter with 21st century modernity.
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The Rohingyas live at the edge of a post-Partition subcontinent, where an endless partition has been playing out for nearly a century. They are imagined to be citizens of the other half of a partitioned polity: they belong not here, but there. Hence, their presence here is illegal, and they are immoral, bereft of citizenship or even humanity. Their story is not unique in the subcontinent. Similar histories can be seen elsewhere—in Marichjhapi, Sylhet, Assam, Ladakh, Baltistan, Baluchistan, Sind. In these varied political spaces, there are constant forced migrations of communities by the state, efforts to settle or to expel them, as well as indigenous claims for re-partitioning the land. What we consider to be frontiers or borderlands are spaces where partition is continually enacted, or, at the least, imagined. 
AS I WRITE THIS, on a boat, in the middle of the sea, are Muslims who belong neither in Burma, nor in East Pakistan, nor India, Bangladesh, Indonesia or Malaysia. In a forgotten past, they were part o
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EXCERPTS

By looking at the substance of the articles published in Political Geography, we identify two major shifts in scope over the last 30 years. First, the scalar focus has changed from the politico-territorial regulation of nation-state policies on immigration to supranational migration frameworks and transnational practices and experiences. Second, the theoretical framing has moved from geopolitics to biopolitics. Authors discuss the globally structured and governed micro-politics of lived migration and the creation of permanent spaces of politico-administrative limbos such as camps, detention centres and the legal traps experienced by undocumented people. These discussions draw heavily from the broader philosophical tradition of authors such as Agamben, Derrida and Foucault.
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"Ma doesn't hear it. She's asleep, snorin' like an old brown bear after a dogfight. Don't know how she manages that. 'Cause I can hear it. The whole valley can hear it. The machines are huntin' tonight.

There ain't many of us left. Humans I mean. Most people who could do already escaped. Or tried to escape anyways. I don't know what happened to 'em. But we couldn't. Ma lost her leg to a landmine and can't walk. Sometimes she gets outside the cabin with a stick. Mostly she stays in and crawls. The girls do the work. I'm the man now.

Pa's gone. The machines got him. I didn't see it happen but my uncle came back for me. Took me to see Pa gettin' buried in the ground. There wasn't anythin' of Pa I could see that let me know it was Pa. When the machines get you there ain't much left. Just gristle mixed with rocks, covered in dust."
Two boys go on a night-time hunting expedition in this exclusive short story from Mohsin Hamid
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Historical Origins: Insurgency, Nationalism, and Social Theory In the last forty years, scholars have produced countless studies of societies, histories, and cultures ‘from below’ which have dispersed terms, methods, and bits of theory used in Subaltern Studies among countless academic sites. Reflecting this trend, the 1993 edition of The new shorter Oxford English dictionary included ‘history’ for the first time as a context for defining ‘subaltern.’ The word has a long past. In late-medieval English, it applied to vassals and peasants. By 1700, it denoted lower ranks in the military, suggesting peasant origins. By 1800, authors writing ‘from a subaltern perspective’ published novels and histories about military campaigns in India arid America; and G.R. Gleig (1796-1888), who wrote biographies of Robert Clive, Warren Hastings, and Thomas Munro, mastered this genre. The Great War provoked popular accounts of subaltern life in published memoirs and diaries; and soon after the Russian Revolution, Antonio Gramsci (1891—1937) began to weave ideas about subaltern identity into theories of class struggle. Gramsci was not influential in the English-reading world, however, until Raymond Williams promoted his theory in 1977, well after translations of The modern prince (1957) and Prison notebooks (1966) had appeared. By 1982, Gramsci’s ideas were in wide circulation. Ironically, though Gramsci himself was a communist activist whose prison notes were smuggled to Moscow for publication and translation, scholars outside or opposed to communist parties (and to Marxism) have most ardently embraced his English books (as well as those of the Frankfurt School).
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MY POSTCOLONIAL THOUGHT OF THE DAY.

Playin' soccer while decolonizing. Frantz Fanon, on the right side...chilling like a postcolonial bae... 
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There was something deeply contradictory in the universalization of civil society as an aspect of the “civilizing mission.” It meant upholding the ideal of free subjects with the practice of colonial despotism, producing a civil-social arena free of state control in the act of exercising political domination – an impossible project. The purpose of this paper is to identify how the site of this impossibility served as the locus for the constitution of other spaces of the social. Rather than simply point to the Western provenance of the idea of civil society, I wish to identify how other powerful modes of modernity have arisen from the displacement of the colonial project. My purpose is not to simply claim that Western notions get dislodged in non-Western societies; rather, my aim is to explore the nature of the institutional architecture that emerged from the contradictory and truncated existence of civil society in the colonial context.
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Morocco
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Spain - New york - Turkey - Malta - Cairo - Argelia - US
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Arab - Islamic policy and culture. Postcolonialism.
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#Postcolonialism#MiddleEast policy. Islamic world and culture. Spivak Wannabe. A subaltern with voice?
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