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Arash Abizadeh
Works at McGill University
Attended Harvard Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
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Arash Abizadeh

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My new academic website is up and running:
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Arash Abizadeh

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Article d'opinion sur la Charte des valeurs québécoises
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C'est au nom de la valeur moderne de la neutralité religieuse de l'État que le gouvernement du Québec propose d'interdire au personnel de l'État de porter des signes religieux ostentatoires. Il est donc fort ironique que la proposition nous ramène à une mentalité médiévale.
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Tar Sands: The Museum as State-sponsored Propaganda for Big Oil
A federal science museum offers a polished image of the oil sands
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Interesting analysis of the EU crisis.
Innocuous names can’t hide the fact some EU members will become developing countries again
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Montreal riot police attacked our students on our own campus indiscriminately with batons and pepper spray. I am ashamed of my university and my city today.
Erin Hudson and Jessica Lukawiecki. Published on November 10, 2011. This story is in development. Check back often for updates. Over 100 riot police stormed McGill campus this evening, forcefully disp...
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The news from Europe just gets worse and worse
Study by Demos thinktank reveals thousands of self-declared followers of hardline nationalist parties and groups
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Charter of Values and the Medieval Mindset

It is in the name of the modern value of the state’s religious neutrality that the Quebec government has proposed to ban its personnel from wearing obviously visible religious symbols. It is therefore deeply ironic that the proposal in its essence harkens back to a medieval mindset.

We can see this as soon as we ask why medieval and early-modern European Christians tried ruthlessly to impose religious uniformity on their populations. Why, for example, did Protestant states forbid publicly visible Catholic church buildings, and vice versa? Two reasons were salient. First, medieval and early-modern Christians assumed that a single, common, publicly shared religion was necessary for social order: tolerating religious diversity would destroy the state. Second, they made a very peculiar assumption about public space. They assumed that if a person expressed herself in public – if she expressed herself in a way that was visible to her fellow citizens – she was speaking in the name of the entire political community! They assumed that to speak in public was to speak for the public, to represent everyone in the society. This is why the visible expression of heretical views was so dangerous for them: they thought it would result in the damnation of all citizens, and not just the heretics, to eternal hellfire. Religious intolerance was a collective act of self-defence!

With modernity, Christian Europeans abandoned both of these assumptions. First, they learned that social order does not require common religious values: what causes social conflict is not religious diversity but intolerance of diversity. Second, they came to distinguish what is visible to the community from what represents it, what is in public space from what is in the public’s name. Europeans learned that individuals could do things in public – in public spaces visible to all – without purporting to speak for the public.

This distinction, between what is visible and what represents the community, is one of the foundational elements of the modern, secular, liberal, democratic state. My expression can be private, in the sense that it is only in my own name, even if it is public, in the different sense that it is visible to all my fellow citizens. Individuals can walk down the street, even in their capacity as civil servants, and freely display features private to their own person without purporting to represent everyone. Not everything a state employee says or does “represents” the state: when she drinks coffee instead of tea, laughs at a joke, or wears high heels instead of flat shoes.

The recent proposal to regulate what kind of clothing state employees can wear returns us back to the medieval worldview. To annihilate the distinction between what is visible and what represents the community is to destroy a pillar of modernity. It is to invade individual liberties without any legitimate reason. By the government’s medieval logic, we might as well argue that, since the state should represent all citizens, not just men, it should also ban obviously visible items of clothing that are recognized masculine symbols – like ties. Absurd? Yes, and a step towards totalitarianism. The desire to use the coercive power of the state to regulate how people dress – to regulate what the public can see – is a fundamentally totalitarian temptation. We should be careful not to indulge it.

Arash Abizadeh, professor of political philosophy, McGill University

English version of:
http://quebec.huffingtonpost.ca/arash-abizadeh/charte-des-valeurs-mentalite-medievale_b_3957882.html
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Finnish education: equity is the goal, but academic excellence the unintended byproduct.
The Scandinavian country is an education superpower because it values equality more than excellence.
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It's not quite 1984, but still.
New documents obtained by The Canadian Press under Access to Information Act contradict published claims by PM’s chief spokesman
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Philosopher Peter Singer on regulating cigarettes production and content.
Cigarettes, not guns or bombs, are the deadliest artifacts in the history of civilization
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Google+ is dead? Unless they do something, like give free calls to landlines from google+ for a while....
Shortly after Google launched its new social network in June, many companies—including several online magazines, Slate among them—attempted to create “brand profiles” on the service. The rush was a te...
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Does this mean you're switching back to FB? It's time to give it up, Google+!
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Arash Abizadeh

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Off to Cambridge, England tomorrow!
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Work
Employment
  • McGill University
    Associate Professor, present
Basic Information
Gender
Male
Education
  • Harvard Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
    Political Theory, 1994 - 2001
  • University of Oxford
    Political Philosophy, 1992 - 1994
  • University of Winnipeg
    Political Science & Economics, 1988 - 1992