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TPPR - Reputation Monitoring and Management
TPPR - Reputation Monitoring and Management

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"Policy Exchange, notionally a non-partisan but actually a broadly centre-right think tank, offered a platform last night to Professor Richard Tuck, the Newcastle-born political theorist based at Harvard. This was interesting because Professor Tuck comes from another age politically - a world that would have been 'normal' in British politics in the 1970s but has been marginalised by the turn of the Left under globalisation into mere managers of national provincial units of one neo-liberal federal political culture. Tuck is an old-style British social democrat happy to talk about socialism as a liberal good."



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The G20 Communique issued on July 8th has a standard issue policy on co-ordination and co-operation on displacement and migration. It is the penultimate section before anti-corruption and after partnership in Africa but you would scarcely have thought it was there from the post-Summit 'spin' given to the media. The biggest issue affecting European politics, and a major issue in American politics, was studiously ignored in public discourse in favour of ... climate change! The impression we have here is of an elite still in denial about the conditions underpinning its own potential instability.

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This is the new website of the General Aviation Infrastructure Network [GAIN] whose online communications and media relations are currently being handled by our sister company PendryWhite/Portcullis PR working alongside Portcullis Public Affairs. GAIN is being set up as a national Community Interest Company (CIC) whose mission is to ensure that a Minimum Viable Strategic Network of UK General Aviation airfields survives. The website speaks of the threat to British general aviation. For clarification, it is not a TPPR Client and further enquiries should go through the website.


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The policy squabble over public sector pay within the Tory Cabinet might confuse some observers. The Party 'Left' (associated with Cameron and Osborne) appears not to want to give front line services more cash. The Party 'Right' (which we might believe was co-terminous with Thatcherite orthodoxy) appears to want to do so. What is going on here? We think it can only be understood in terms of a political struggle directed ultimately at who is to be the next Party Leader and so, perhaps briefly, Prime Minister. It is essentially Philip Hammond versus just about everyone else.



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The shift from a potential strong and stable Government to one that is weak and perhaps unstable does not need much more commentary. What we do need to do is take a deep breath and separate a proper understanding of the realpolitik involved in minority government and the speculative and manipulative 'fluff' coming from all those groups who have hopes of power or influence but who actually have little. Moralising on the 'bribe' to the DUP does nothing except show a stamping of the foot at the fact that the moraliser is not in a position to offer such a bribe or in receipt of one.

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"The tragic deaths in the Grenfell Tower disaster last week are of considerable political importance. They have become a lightning rod for mounting concerns about the path the country has taken, certainly since the 2008 financial crisis but, more accurately, since the replacement of national corporatism with neo-liberalism under the Thatcher administration in the 1980s. It has re-introduced the problem of class into national discourse although the victims are less indigenous working class than quite recent migrants, providing yet another complex layer to the story."

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There are many lessons to be drawn from last week's election result. One of these is that the print media no longer matter very much any more except as fodder for social media comment and argument. Although the broadcast media are still powerful (Prime Minister May damaged her prospects by not engaging with it), the main forum for voting decisions is increasingly to be found in a myriad of overlapping networks on social media. The mobilisation of voters and of their enthusiasm for action is generated not passively through reading but through direct debate and discussion. 

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Only a fool predicts an election result nowadays. The classic shared error was 1997. Every player in the game assumed a 50-seat majority for Labour by the time polling day came around. The circle around Blair were busy in that final week being exceptionally nice to the Soft Left bloc on the assumption that they would need to stop them uniting with the Hard Left Campaign Group to pull the Government away from New Labour's 'business model'. They need not have bothered on two grounds - it was a landslide and the Soft Left always loathed the Hard Left in any case. The rest is history.

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Opinion polling has ostensibly 'become more sophisticated' year on year yet it failed to predict accurately any of the major earthquakes of 2016. If the polls get it right this time, there may be a suspicion of mere coincidence. They are all over the place in any case with different methodologies yielding different results. We are reduced - since we are not psephological nerds - to taking an interest only in trends that are based on the averaging of polls - trackers. These do not predict the final result with any certainty but they tell us some useful things nevertheless. 

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