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Aftab Khan
1,884 followers -
Knowledge, Humanity, Religion, Culture, Tolerance, Peace
Knowledge, Humanity, Religion, Culture, Tolerance, Peace

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THE GOD: The problem is not how to make man come to belief by giving lengthy and intricate "theological" proofs of God's existence, but how to shake him into belief by drawing his attention to certain obvious facts and turning these facts into "reminders" of God. Hence the Qur'ān time and again calls itself (and also the Prophet) "a reminder" or "The Reminder".
The main points in this ceaseless, tremendous thrust for "reminding" man are (1) that everything except God is contingent upon God, including the entirety of nature (which has a "metaphysical" and a "moral" aspect); (2) that God, with all His might and glory, is essentially the all-merciful God; and (3) that both these aspects necessarily entail a proper relationship between God and Man--a relationship of the served and the servant--and consequently also a proper relationship between man and man. By a natural necessity, as it were, these normative relationships entail the law of judgment upon man both as individual and in his collective or social existence. Once we have grasped these three points, we will have understood the absolute centrality of God in the entire, system of existence, to a very large extent because the aim of the Qur'ān is man and his behavior, not God.
http://JustOneGod.blogspot.com

He is the God, other than Whom, there is none; He is the knower of the unseen and the seen, the Merciful, the Compassionate. He is the God other than Whom there is none, the Sovereign, the Holy, the One with peace and integrity, the Keeper of the Faith, the Protector, the Mighty, the One Whose Will is Power, the Most Supreme! Glory be to Him beyond what they [the pagans] associate with Him. He is the God, the Creator, the Maker, the Fashioner, to Whom belong beautiful names; whatever is in the heavens and the earth sings His glories, He is the Mighty One, the Wise One (Quran: 59.al-Ħashr:22-24).

Extracts from; "Themes of Quran": by Fazal ur Rahman :
http://freebookpark.blogspot.com/2014/10/books-by-fazlur-rehman.html

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Salaam One
HUMANITY, KNOWLEDGE, RELIGION, CULTURE, TOLERANCE, PEACE
Follow @Twitte
https://twitter.com/SalaamOne/

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The world is in turmoil; mass killing, genocide, ethnic cleansing, occupation of Muslim lands for natural resources, oppression, expulsions, deprivation and exploitation of innocent, Muslims by power hungry corrupt despotic rulers, greedy powerful countrymen, extremist religious groups and Neo-colonial powers has reached unprecedented level. People are perplexed, they want to get out of this quagmire but there is no way out in sight.

The quest for “Peace and Justice” is exploited by imperialist sponsored extremist in the name of religion to recruit Jihadists for power, plunder and exploitation. It adds fuel to fire and provide lame excuse, justification for more oppression and killing of Muslims by the enemies of humanity.

سلام فورم نیٹ ورک (PeaceForum Network) علم اور افہام و تفہیم کے لئے ایک غیر منافع بخش ای فورم ہے. علم،انسانیت، مذہب، سائنس، سماج، ثقافت، اخلاقیات اورروحانیت امن کے لئے.اس فورم کو آفتاب خان، آزاد محقق اور مصنف نے منظم کیا ہے. تحقیقی کام دس سال سے “ڈیفنس جرنل” میں تسلسل سے چھپ رہا ہے جو”سلام فورم نیٹ ورک“پر  جو کہ بلاگز، ویب سائٹ، سوشل میڈیا، میگزین، ویڈیو چننل اور برقی کتابوں کی صورت میں دستیاب ہے.اس  نیٹ ورک  کو اب تک لاکھوں افراد وزٹ کر چکے ہیں. اب اردوزبان میں بھی“سلام میگزین” کا آغاز کر دیا گیا ہے مزید تفصیلات پڑھیں>>>>

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Iran Sent Them to Syria.
Now Afghan Fighters Are a Worry at Home.
YAKAWLANG, Afghanistan — Iran has trained and deployed thousands of Shiite Afghans as shock troops in Syria’s sectarian war. Members of the Afghan unit, the Fatemiyoun Division, wear a shoulder patch recounting words of praise from Iran’s supreme leader as a badge of honor.

What those fighters might do when they come home is now very much on the minds of officials who fear that Afghanistan may become the next great sectarian battleground between Iran, as the declared guardian of Shiites, and Saudi Arabia, long the sponsor of conservative Sunni doctrine around the world.

“This is quite dangerous: What happens to this Fatemiyoun force when the war in Syria is over?” said Rahmatullah Nabil, a former Afghan intelligence chief. “The fear is that rivalry in the region, between Iran and Saudi, will shift to Afghanistan. And I think that clash is already shifting here.”

There is reason for worry. First, there’s a history: The factional divisions that drove Afghanistan’s devastating civil war in the 1990s were seized on by foreign powers who were seeking proxies. And there’s a new concern: A stark increase in attacks against Afghanistan’s Shiite minority, mostly by Sunni extremists loyal to the Islamic State, is already providing Iran a pretext to increase its meddling in the country.

The attacks have received wide coverage in the Iranian news media. And one Fatemiyoun fighter who returned about three months ago from Syria said the violence against Afghan Shiites was a frequent topic raised by their commanders in the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps.

The Afghan fighter had returned to his home in Yakawlang, a village in Bamian Province where the Taliban massacred more than 300 Shiites in 2001. Every year, hundreds of residents kneel on the dirt in a hilltop cemetery and beat their chests in mourning for their loved ones, their names listed on a metal sign worn out by time and covered in rust.

“The Guards commanders were saying that, if it comes to it, we will make Bamian into a base for you, a base for Fatemiyoun,” said the returning fighter, who like others interviewed for this article spoke on the condition of anonymity to avoid being singled out for attack.

“There was always talk about that; the commander would say that one day you will go defend in your own country,” said another fighter, who had lived in Iran for 20 years as a refugee before he joined to go to Syria. He said he enlisted after he saw a video of Islamic State fighters “playing football with a chopped head.” His relatives said he joined after a romantic heartbreak.

Iran has long relied more on soft power than armed might in Afghanistan, playing up its cultural, religious and economic influence in western Afghan districts near the border. And though Iran resents the presence of the United States military on its border, it has mostly supported the American-backed administration in Kabul, choosing stability over chaos.

But as the war in Afghanistan has stretched late into a second decade, and with the stability of the central government in question, Iran has begun hedging its bets, American and Afghan officials say. That has extended to improving its ties with the Taliban, a group it had long seen as an ideological enemy.

Afghan officials acknowledge that they have not yet seen evidence that Iran was actively rallying Fatemiyoun veterans. But the officials are deeply concerned that the groundwork is being laid. And statements by Iran’s military leaders, as well as their use of Afghan fighters in other conflicts, suggests that Iran sees the force as an asset in future engagements.

Brig. Gen. Ismail Qaani, the deputy commander of the Quds force within the Revolutionary Guards, recently told a memorial for Afghan fighters that Syria was just a temporary goal in a larger vision.
Residents of Yakawlang, in the Afghan province of Bamian, held a mourning ceremony in October to commemorate a Taliban massacre of Shiites there in 2001.
“Fatemiyoun is a new culture — a collection of brave men who do not see boundaries and borders in defending Islamic values,” General Qaani said, as quoted in the local Iranian media.

The war in Yemen is one indication of how Afghans are already being drawn deeper into the Iranian-Saudi rivalry, on both sides. Not only did Iran send smaller units of the Fatemiyoun to cross Syrian borders and fight in Yemen, but at least 1,000 Sunni Afghan refugees from camps in Pakistan have also been recruited to fight on Saudi Arabia’s behalf in Yemen, according to three senior Afghan officials.

The core of what is now the Fatemiyoun Division included fighters from Shiite militias that had Iranian support during the Afghan civil war. Some even went to Iraq to fight on behalf of Iran against Saddam Hussein, or to Lebanon to oppose the Israeli invasion.

Many of the Afghan fighters, mostly recruited from among Afghan refugees or illegal laborers in Iran, join for the salary of about $600 a month, and for the promise of Iranian residency paperwork after a deployment to Syria, which usually lasts three months. But they soon realize that the benefits are designed as a hook: The paperwork needs to be validated every year, and that requires enlisting again.

“Here, I am scared — of the government, of Daesh,” said one former Fatemiyoun fighter who has returned to Kabul, using another name for the Islamic State. “And if I don’t go back to Syria, my Iranian passport will lose validity.”

Afghan officials say the Iranian police have intensified a crackdown on illegal Afghan immigrants, arresting as many as 200 a day. When they arrive at deportation centers, Iranian military officers are there to offer another option.

“They said: ‘You had come from Afghanistan to work, to make money. We give you two options: You go to Syria, and we pay you money. Or you go back to your country,’” said the former fighter in Yakawlang, who asked to be identified only as Jawed. He was detained while working at an Iranian construction site and taken to a deportation center where, out of 200 Afghan detainees, he became one of about 60 who chose to serve in Syria. After returning to Afghanistan, he joined the Afghan Army.

Extensive ideological indoctrination is a central part of their service. Recruits are told the war in Syria is a defense of some of the holiest shrines of the Shiite faith from attack by the Islamic State — a group their recruiters then describe as a creation of the United States to destabilize the Middle East.

“My intention was Syria, to defend the shrine,” said the Afghan fighter who returned to his home in Yakawlang, and who wanted to be identified only by the name Abas.

Abas described his fellow Afghan fighters being pitched into battles that resembled the brutality of the Afghan civil war.

“You know how the Afghan boys fight — they wouldn’t even leave a chicken behind,” he said. “A unit leader would say, ‘We will capture this hill. What is in it for us? We want this much money.’ Three hundred people would go, 30 would come back.”

Other fighters described similarly heavy casualties. One said 15 of his comrades were killed on the first night they arrived at the front lines. And Jawed said there was a day when his unit lost 45 men.

“They tell you are defending the shrine of Zainab, and that is true: We believe in defending our religion and faith,” Jawed said. “But when you get there, you realize you have been brought to the slaughterhouse of a war of major powers.”
by MUJIB MASHAL and FATIMA FAIZI, nytimes.com
November 12, 2017
The New York Times

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Muslims must re-read Syed Ahmad Khan
Sir Syed’s legacy is so immense because he played a critical role, at a historic juncture, in the life of the Indian Muslim community. In the aftermath of the 1857 uprising, Muslims were disfranchised, thrown out of their homes in Shahjahanabad and generally looked upon with suspicion.

Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, the founder of Aligarh Muslim University
As we celebrate the 200th birth anniversary of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, the founder of Aligarh Muslim University, as an alumna I realize that although women’s education was not part of his vision at the time, the University over the last several decades has played a pivotal role in the education of Muslim girls. For his time, Sir Syed was a modernist and progressive thinker. As the remnants of Mughal rule crumbled with the debacle that was 1857 and Indian Muslims began to be seen as the perpetrators of the uprising and therefore against the British, Sir Syed realized that education was the key for their rehabilitation.
Not any education, though, not the madrassa-led religious education that was a byword in small towns and big cities, but an English education that would allow Muslims to win government jobs and thereby expand their influence inside the newly powerful British India. That is why Sir Syed’s legacy is so immense. He played a critical role, at a historic juncture, in the life of the Indian Muslim community. In the aftermath of the 1857 uprising, Muslims were disfranchised, thrown out of their homes in Shahjahanabad and generally looked upon with suspicion.

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India is in the midst of a toilet-building frenzy, the government has set aside $20bn (£15bn) for the health initiative and aims to stop people having to defecate in the open by 2019.
One social enterprise in one of India's poorest areas is taking on the challenge of building public toilets.
It is using the waste from the toilets to help pay for their upkeep.
More than half a billion people in rural India do not use toilets.
It's a situation which leads to a host of health and social problems, including children not going to school and women being assaulted or fearing assault when they go to secluded areas to relieve themselves.

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Kissinger believes that the presence or absence of al Qaeda will be the least of its problems. What might happen, he says, is a de facto partition, with India and Russia reconstituting the Northern Alliance, and Pakistan hooked to the Taliban as a backstop against their own encirclement.

He has described a possible scenario for the next world war unrelated, in a direct way, to China. He is convinced that today "China is an indispensable element in any stabilization of perilous situations in Korea. Without China's active participation, any attempts to immunize Afghanistan against terrorism would be futile." The jihadism threatens China as well as the Central Asian countries and also Russia. This brings Russia and China closer together.

He says about Stalin: "Stalin's last years were haunted by the same conundrum, never 'solving the problem of how their influence in China would continue'." He failed and soon the United States and China draw closer in the face of the "Soviet threat."

What did Kissinger know about China when playing the "China card"? Absolutely nothing, he admits. From the very beginning the talks between the two countries were strictly confidential which meant that briefings from official agencies or the best of the brain centers were excluded.

Kissinger had to seek advice from the most prominent Sinologists well-versed in the country's latest history. Some of them came up with wise suggestions yet none of them said: "Now you really ought to understand how they think." At that point Kissinger revealed another of his outstanding abilities: a crash course of self-education followed. Kissinger studied China's culture and history; tried to grasp the language and the categories of Chinese civilization until the quantity of knowledge developed into a quality of political decisions. He overcame all bureaucratic barriers to come up with a suggestion that China should be recognized as a single and undivided state. The variant which was miraculously hailed by Beijing and Taiwan offered both a chance to pose, some time in future, as the principal unifier of the Celestial Empire.

Kissinger easily finds his bearings in history to explain the current collisions and developments; he does not indulge in abstract futurology. Predictology is his genre; some of his predictions are rather foreboding. He talks of Pakistan as a "Sarajevo" of the next world war: "Think proxy half-states; the paranoia of encirclement; the bristling arsenals, in this case nuclear; the nervous, beleaguered Pakistanis lashing out in passive-aggressive insecurity. An India-Pakistan war becomes more probable. Eventually." He goes on to say: "Therefore some kind of international process in which these issues are discussed might generate enough restraints so that Pakistan does not feel itself encircled by India and doesn't see a strategic reserve in the Taliban... I know if we let matters driftthis could become the Balkans of the next world war."

Recently I heard from a colleague of mine a somewhat unexpected assessment of the situation in Pakistan and of what Pakistanis think of Russia. It turned out that the Pakistani elite is quite well-versed in Russian and Soviet culture; for many of them The Moabit Notebooks by Soviet Tatar poet Musa Calil was one of the most important books. This is not merely diplomacy. The Pakistanis say that neither weapon deliveries, nor financial aid brought them closer to the Americans; the bridge of trust is fairly shaky: political surprises like the recent liquidation of bin Laden send it tottering. In other words, several scores of people should be forced to study so that, very much like Kissinger, to finally realize that Pakistan is not a far away country and that instead of seeking a niche so far occupied they should bring peace to where there is war.

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