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abdulkarriem khan
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The Birth of Web D3 http://thebirthofwebd3.blogspot.com/2008/01/birth-of-web-d3_05.html How do we solve the Problems of Exponential Data Growth, Server-Client Architecture Scaling Performance limits, and Users need not Just For Data & ID Portability but Control of their Data.This Growth in Users from Platforms without direct File-system access (IPhone, Wii, Web-enabled TV's, Internet Kiosks etc..) has led to the slow Bloat of Web 2.0.
The Birth of Web D3 http://thebirthofwebd3.blogspot.com/2008/01/birth-of-web-d3_05.html How do we solve the Problems of Exponential Data Growth, Server-Client Architecture Scaling Performance limits, and Users need not Just For Data & ID Portability but Control of their Data.This Growth in Users from Platforms without direct File-system access (IPhone, Wii, Web-enabled TV's, Internet Kiosks etc..) has led to the slow Bloat of Web 2.0.

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beyoncé surprises the world with her most powerful album yet
Lemonade is a rich, layered and thought-provoking audio-visual extravaganza. It's here! Following last night's @HBO special, Beyoncé has dropped her sixth album Lemonade. It's available to stream exclusively on TIDAL, either as an hour-long visual album (which is what HBO premiered last night) or a 45-minute audio playlist consisting of 12 tracks. If you were hoping to be swamped with new Beyoncé, you won't be disappointed. TIDAL says the album is "based on every woman's journey of self-knowledge and healing," but Lemonade's narrative actually feels more specific than this as Bey spins a story of infidelity, despair and ultimately reconciliation. On a standout track calledSorry, Bey sings: "He only want me when I'm not there / He better call Becky with the good hair." It's a lyric that's destined to become one of the memes of 2016 as gossip sites tie themselves in knots trying to analyse whether Bey is telling us Jay-Z cheated on her. 
But as Formation (which closes the album) had suggested, Lemonade also feels thrillingly political and overtly feminist. The visual album features an except from a 1962 speech by Malcolm X in which the civil rights leader states: "The most disrespected person in America is the black woman. The most unprotected person in America is the black woman. The most neglected person in America is the black woman." It's surely no coincidence that Bey's co-stars throughout the visual album are mainly black and female, with Serena Williams, Zendaya, Amandla Stenberg, Chloe and Halle, Ibeyi and Quvenzhané Wallis all making guest appearances. The wonder of motherhood is also a recurring theme, with Bey telling us at one point: "Your mother is a woman and women like her cannot be contained."
Musically, the album contains Bey's most ambitious, varied and distinctive work yet. The Weeknd, Kendrick Lamar, James Blake and The White Stripes' Jack White all feature, and there are samples from tracks as diverse as Led Zeppelin's When the Levee Breaks, Yeah Yeah Yeahs' Maps and Soulja Boy Tell'em'sTurn My Swag On. The remarkable Daddy Lessons is Bey's first country song and Sandcastles is a stunning stripped-down ballad, while other tracks ricochet from gospel to rock, R&B to reggae. It's catchy too: Hold Up and Sorry especially already sound like radio hits.
Lemonade will take days to dissect properly because the music is so rich and the visual album contains an endless array of arresting images: Bey smashing up cars with a baseball bat, a braided Bey riding a horse, Bey on the floor playing an electric piano, Bey watching on as Serena Williams shows off her twerking skills. Look out too for some incredibly candid home video footage and a subtle endorsement of same-sex relationships towards the end. Bey also shows us where the album's title presumably came from by including a brief scene from the 90th birthday party of Hattie White, Jay-Z's grandmother. "I was served lemons but I made lemonade," White tells her friends and family. With Lemonade, Beyoncé has made her most powerful artistic statement yet, one that cements her status as one of the all-time great pop stars.
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World is plundering Africa's wealth of 'billions of dollars a year'
Research by campaigners claims aid and loans to the continent are outweighed by financial flows to tax havens and costs of climate change mitigation
The headquarters of the African Union in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

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Karen McVeigh @karenmcveigh1
Wednesday 24 May 2017 02.00 EDT Last modified on Wednesday 24 May 2017 06.39 EDT

More wealth leaves Africa every year than enters it – by more than $40bn (£31bn) – according to research that challenges “misleading” perceptions of foreign aid.

Analysis by a coalition of UK and African equality and development campaigners including Global Justice Now, published on Wednesday, claims the rest of the world is profiting more than most African citizens from the continent’s wealth.

Global public sector corruption fuels rise of populist politicians, report says

It said African countries received $162bn in 2015, mainly in loans, aid and personal remittances. But in the same year, $203bn was taken from the continent, either directly through multinationals repatriating profits and illegally moving money into tax havens, or by costs imposed by the rest of the world through climate change adaptation and mitigation.


This led to an annual financial deficit of $41.3bn from the 47 African countries where many people remain trapped in poverty, according to the report, Honest Accounts 2017.

The campaigners said illicit financial flows, defined as the illegal movement of cash between countries, account for $68bn a year, three times as much as the $19bn Africa receives in aid.

Tim Jones, an economist from the Jubilee Debt Campaign, said: “The key message we want to get across is that more money flows out of Africa than goes in, and if we are to address poverty and income inequality we have to help to get it back.”

The key factors contributing to this inequality include unjust debt payments and multinational companies hiding proceeds through tax avoidance and corruption, he said.

African governments received $32bn in loans in 2015, but paid more than half of that – $18bn – in debt interest, with the level of debt rising rapidly.


The prevailing narrative, where rich country governments say their foreign aid is helping Africa, is “a distraction and misleading”, the campaigners said.

Aisha Dodwell, a campaigner for Global Justice Now, said: “There’s such a powerful narrative in western societies that Africa is poor and that it needs our help. This research shows that what African countries really need is for the rest of the world to stop systematically looting them. While the form of colonial plunder may have changed over time, its basic nature remains unchanged.”

The report points out that Africa has considerable riches. South Africa’s potential mineral wealth is estimated to be around $2.5tn, while the mineral reserves of the Democratic Republic of the Congo are thought to be worth $24tn.

However, the continent’s natural resources are owned and exploited by foreign, private corporations, the report said.


Bernard Adaba, policy analyst with Isodec (Integrated Social Development Centre) in Ghana said: “Development is a lost cause in Africa while we are haemorrhaging billions every year to extractive industries, western tax havens and illegal logging and fishing. Some serious structural changes need to be made to promote economic policies that enable African countries to best serve the needs of their people, rather than simply being cash cows for western corporations and governments. The bleeding of Africa must stop!”

However, Maya Forstater, a visiting fellow for the Centre for Global Development, a development thinktank, said the report did not provide a meaningful look at the issues.

Forstater said: “There are 1.2 billion people in Africa. This report seems to view these people and their institutions as an inert bucket into which money is poured or stolen away, rather than as part of dynamic and growing economies. The $41bn headline they come up with needs to be put into context that the overall GDP of Africa is some $7.7tn. Economies do not grow by stockpiling inflows and preventing outflows but by enabling people to invest and learn, adapt technologies and access markets.

“Some of the issues that the report raises – such as illegal logging, fishing and the cost of adapting to climate change – are important, but adding together all apparent inflows and outflows is meaningless.”


Forstater also questioned some of the report’s methodology.

The coalition of campaigners, including Jubilee Debt Campaign, Health Poverty Action, and Uganda Debt Network, said those claiming to help Africa “need to rethink their role”, and singled out the British government as bearing special responsibility because of its position as the head of a network of overseas tax havens.

Dr Jason Hickel, an economic anthropologist at the London School of Economics, commenting on the report, agreed that the prevailing view of foreign aid was skewed. Hickel said: “One of the many problems with the aid narrative is it leads the public to believe that rich countries are helping developing countries, but that narrative skews the often extractive relationship that exists between rich and poor countries.”

A key issue, he said, was illicit financial flows, via multinational corporations, to overseas tax havens. “Britain has a direct responsibility to fix the problem if they want to claim to care about international poverty at all,” he said.


The report makes a series of recommendations, including preventing companies with subsidiaries based in tax havens from operations in African countries, transforming aid into a process that genuinely benefits the continent, and reconfiguring aid from a system of voluntary donations to one of repatriation for damage caused.

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#FrenchJFK c #Macron's victory is a triumph against the dead-end populism of #Trump and #Brexit http://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/macron-france-brexit-trump_us_590f7162e4b0104c734fb804?ncid=engmodushpmg00000004 via @TheWorldPostBy getting elected president of France at 39, despite having no political party structure or organized network a year ago, +Emmanuel Macron has just delivered an exceptional historical performance that is somewhat comparable to +Napoleon Bonaparte.
Any success of this magnitude usually involves the convergence of three factors: a person’s political intuition, a sharp assessment of the political situation and luck. Macron intuitively understood in 2015 that the political system had run out of gas and that the public had largely rejected the traditional parties. He sensed back then that President +François Hollande would be unable to run in this year’s election, and he also understood that voters’ rejection of Hollande would create an opportunity for a new party.
Macron’s political genius was to see that France’s main divide was not right versus left. He thus realized it was possible to launch a movement against both the Republicans on the right and the Socialists on the left. The question was how to do so as an unelected member of the Socialist government without much of a following. He proceeded in three phases. First, as Hollande’s finance minister, he developed a number of ideas to modernize the country’s economy and explored the ideological taboos and stalemates that made reform extremely difficult.
Macron has delivered an exceptional historical performance that is somewhat comparable to that of Napoleon Bonaparte.
The right welcomed Macron’s proposals, but nobody took them seriously because Macron appeared to be a man without a following. The left displayed some ideological exasperation with Macron’s statements. But Hollande allowed his economy minister to freely express himself, thinking it would allow Hollande himself to secure support from centrist voters for his reelection. He of course did not expect Macron to prepare for his own political takeoff.

After achieving prominence in the public eye, Macron entered a second phase in the spring of 2016. While still minister, he launched the “En Marche!” (Onwards) movement, which was pointedly not intended to be a political party but a means to rally people around ideas and reforms and a very strong critique of the traditional political system.

The third phase began in the summer of 2016. Macron decided to leave the government so that he would not have to endorse Hollande’s agenda; instead, he struck out on his own. His strategy was based on very strong political intuition and a proper assessment of the political situation, but his success can only be understood in light of an exceptional set of circumstances.

Macron’s political genius was to see that France’s main divide was not right versus left.
Everyone knew that the Socialists had virtually no chance of winning the 2017 elections. But nearly all the pundits were also convinced that the Republican candidate ― François Fillon ― would likely win over right-wing nationalist Marine Le Pen, whose standing in the polls had been steadily rising. But in January, Fillon was ensnared by a scandal over the fake employment of his wife at the National Assembly and the use of public funds to pay his children. The right’s campaign derailed. The path was cleared for Macron to emerge as the most credible candidate to face Le Pen’s political party, the National Front, which made a major breakthrough in this election.

Thus, the election marked a shift in the French political system from confrontation between the left versus the right to confrontation between supporters of openness and the European Union versus supporters of withdrawal. Macron’s victory was very important for France, Europe and the West in general ― it is the first major election to break the populist wave that brought us Brexit and U.S. President Donald Trump. A victory for Le Pen would have been catastrophic for Europe, which would not have been able to withstand the exit of one of the founding members of the EU.

That being said, this election is not going to settle everything. The election laid bare a divided society. Both blue-collar and white-collar workers voted for Le Pen, while middle and senior executives voted for Macron. The same divides appear with regard to education and income levels. Macron’s top priority must be to narrow this divide. Otherwise, in five years, the populists might experience a resounding success. It is important not to forget that in the U.S., Trump succeeded Barack Obama.

If Macron doesn’t narrow inequality, the populists might experience a resounding success in five years.
In order to succeed, Macron will have to secure a strong presidential majority, because little can be achieved without one. He will then need to achieve a certain number of structural reforms, especially in the labor market, where France is undeniably lagging behind other European countries. The lag largely accounts for France’s relatively high level of unemployment. Finally, in order to strengthen Europe, France needs a more sustained dialogue with Germany, primarily regarding economic governance.

Macron stopped France’s slide toward dead-end populism. It is now his responsibility to move upward and onward. He will need his full five-year term to do so.

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#WeAreTrillicon Here’s the good news: aspirations, linked to opportunity, can breed dynamism and inclusive, sustainable economic growth. Aspirations can lead to new markets and opportunities for investors.  But if there’s no path to meet those aspirations, we fear that they could turn into anger, resentment, and possibly even extremism. We’re already seeing worrying trends – 2 billion people live in countries affected by fragility, conflict, and violence. Between 2012 and 2015, terrorism incidents increased by 74 percent, and the number of deaths from terrorism increased by almost 150 percent.  To meet these rising aspirations, we need trillions in investments of all kinds into emerging markets: public and private, national and global. The only way we can spur that kind of investment is to find ways to create markets and bring private sector rigor and innovation to developing countries.  At the World Bank Group, we are fundamentally rethinking development finance. Whenever possible, we need to work with countries to crowd in private capital. And we should combine this capital with our knowledge – technical expertise, knowledge about the countries and the economy – so that capital really works for poor countries and poor people. We believe that all development finance institutions should be working to crowd in private capital through a set of principles that will maximize resources and benefits for the poor. We’re not there yet, but this is how we think we should proceed in order to get there.  First, for every project, we have to ask, “Can the private sector finance this on commercial terms?”  In 2006, the World Bank Group worked with the Jordanian government to finance improvements to the Queen Alia International Airport in Amman. This could have been financed solely by public money, but the government was interested to see if they could bring in the private sector. We worked with the government to lay the ground work for private investment. Our private sector arm, the International Finance Corporation (IFC), put an appropriate deal structure in place, and invested $270 million of its own capital. We were able to attract enough commercial financing to cover the rest of the project.  The government contracted the airport’s operations to a French company, which pays Jordan an annual fee. It’s a genuine public-private partnership. Jordan receives 54 percent of the net revenue and they’re making money every year. Over the last nine years, without any direct investments, Jordan has received more than $1 billion in revenue – and they don’t have project loans to pay back.  We have to look everywhere for more opportunities like the Queen Alia Airport.  https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/rethinking-development-finance-meet-rising-aspirations-jim-kim

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