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Professor Deo asserts: "While student diversity has been hotly debated for years in the courts and among the public, little attention has been given to the racial and gender identity of the person in the front of the law school classroom. Yet, faculty diversity may play a critical role in attaining the broad goals that courts, schools, and students believe result from classroom diversity. . . Diversifying legal academia must begin with faculty recruitment and hiring. Currently, of the approximately 11,000 law faculty members teaching in the United States, only 7.0% are women of color--including Black, Latina, Asian American, Native American, Middle Eastern, and multiracial women. A paltry 7.8% are men of color. While white women are better represented (25% of all faculty), a full 5,090 (43%) of all full-time law faculty are white men. . .
Ensuring that a broad population of scholars has access to the legal academy is only the first step in creating meaningful faculty diversity. To truly diversify the academy and maximize classroom diversity goals, schools must also improve faculty retention. . . For an individual to achieve tenure, most law schools require demonstrated excellence in three areas: scholarship, service, and teaching. Each requirement of the trifecta brings unique barriers for women of color striving to climb the law faculty ranks. These barriers contribute to the lower rate of success for women of color seeking to attain tenure. Combined, they block meaningful diversification of legal academia".

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Professor Deo asserts: "While student diversity has been hotly debated for years in the courts and among the public, little attention has been given to the racial and gender identity of the person in the front of the law school classroom. Yet, faculty diversity may play a critical role in attaining the broad goals that courts, schools, and students believe result from classroom diversity. . . Diversifying legal academia must begin with faculty recruitment and hiring. Currently, of the approximately 11,000 law faculty members teaching in the United States, only 7.0% are women of color--including Black, Latina, Asian American, Native American, Middle Eastern, and multiracial women. A paltry 7.8% are men of color. While white women are better represented (25% of all faculty), a full 5,090 (43%) of all full-time law faculty are white men. . .
Ensuring that a broad population of scholars has access to the legal academy is only the first step in creating meaningful faculty diversity. To truly diversify the academy and maximize classroom diversity goals, schools must also improve faculty retention. . . For an individual to achieve tenure, most law schools require demonstrated excellence in three areas: scholarship, service, and teaching. Each requirement of the trifecta brings unique barriers for women of color striving to climb the law faculty ranks. These barriers contribute to the lower rate of success for women of color seeking to attain tenure. Combined, they block meaningful diversification of legal academia".

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Judge Bennett and Professor Plaut asserts ". . . that most people, except for a few specialized social scientists, do not think about the concepts of race, skin tone, and Afrocentric facial features, separately. In fact, research suggests that people are largely unaware of the use of Afrocentric facial features to make judgments about others. This is especially significant for participants in the criminal justice system. . . . Focusing on race, like Black and White, Hispanic and White, or Asian and White, as most prior research does, misses the new frontier of discrimination in the criminal justice system: harsher treatment within a race (surprisingly including Whites) based on greater Afrocentric facial features and darker skin tone. . . [T]his Article analyzes historical, sociological, psychological, medical, and neuroscience literature going back to slavery in the United States. It comes forward to current stereotypes of Blacks and recent empirical studies about colorism, Afrocentric facial features, and the length of sentences. While most of the research has focused on Black men, where relevant evidence exists, the Article highlights how women have also been subjected to colorism."


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Professor Parks asserts: "Prior to making key personnel decisions, academic institutions consider student evaluations. Thus, student evaluations influence hiring, promotion, tenure, and termination. For this reason, many have written about the effectiveness, or lack thereof, of student evaluations. Many have conducted studies with the aim of uncovering factors that influence these evaluations (e.g., gender and race). Despite skepticism about the utility of student evaluations, many still argue for their use in faculty promotion and retention. . . One of the biggest concerns skeptics have about student evaluations is their susceptibility to bias. . . . Not only do male professors accrue benefits vis-à-vis female colleagues, but white professors also fare better vis-à-vis professors of color. . . .
Part I contends that students maintain biases about racial minorities' intelligence and competence-- especially that of blacks. . . [A] number of theories from cognitive psychology underscore why senior faculty and white faculty likely give undue weight to student evaluations. As a result, these judgments by colleagues impact the promotion and retention of faculty of color."


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Recognizing that African Americans had majority political power creates an imperative to rethink segregation and the present condition of African Americans. Jim Crow laws burdened African Americans in ways other than discrimination. The major unrecognized harm that African Americans suffered was the loss of their legitimate domination of the electoral system.".
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Professors Cottrol and Professor Diamond asserts that "Societal, as well as technological, changes, raise questions for advocates of the individual rights view of the Second Amendment. In the eighteenth century, the chief vehicle for law enforcement was the posse comitatus, and the major American military force was the militia of the whole. While these institutions are still recognized by modern law, they lie dormant in late twentieth-century America. Professional police forces and a standing military establishment assisted by semi-professional auxiliaries—the reserves and the National Guard—have largely assumed the roles of public protection and national security. It is possible that the concept of a militia of the armed citizenry has been largely mooted by social change.

This article explores Second Amendment issues in light of the Afro-American experience, concluding that the individual rights theory comports better with the history of the right to bear arms in England and Colonial and post-Revolutionary America. The article also suggests that Second Amendment issues need to be explored, not only with respect to how the right to keep and bear arms has affected American society as a whole, but also with an eye toward subcultures in American society who have been less able to rely on state protection."
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Professor Curry argues that the history of Black men's oppression has been especially marked by a process of (un)genderization. Black men have simply never been considered men, and as such exist beyond the established gender hierarchy that accounts for white male patriarchy and white and Black female disadvantage. The freedom of Black men from slavery birthed the rapist, while his attempts to live a social and economic life was met with lynching, death, and castration. The mutilation of his body was a spectacle that served to deter others from seeking freedom. His death was used as an indication of the health of white supremacy—its vitality and progress.
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Professor Shaw asserts" Understanding how formalized school-closure processes might effect a dignity taking might go a way toward understanding how cumulative perceived injustice converges with the actual abandonment of entire communities by educational systems to create the “educational desert”-an absence of available, safe, opportunity-yielding educational options. A common reason why cases seeking to enjoin school closures fail is lack of evidence of direct harm. As retrospective evidence of harm emerges, mapping the transformation of former schools in predominantly African American and Latinx neighborhoods into educational deserts will be important for both remedying the instant effects on affected students and communities and discouraging courts from allowing similar harms to affect different student and community groups for lack of conclusive evidence. Rather than accepting “institutional mourning,” which sociologist of education Eve Ewing introduces as a way to understand how students, families, and communities affected by school closures cope with and attempt to move on from adverse school actions, this paper calls for and contributes to scholarship which empowers communities to save their valuable educational institutions
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Attorney Kakoyannis asserts ""The question that remains unanswered for scholars, attorneys, and judges is whether evidence of implicit bias and its effects can or should be used in legal proceedings. Although the study of implicit bias dates back several decades, only recently have judicial opinions begun to make direct reference to this body of research. In most cases where the implicit bias theory has been mentioned, courts have cited or introduced it by their own initiative--in other words, the parties in those cases did not mention implicit bias in their pleadings or seek to introduce evidence related to implicit bias. However, in the past six years, implicit bias evidence has been offered in a handful of cases, and judges in those cases have directly confronted the question of whether that evidence is valuable and admissible. The focus of this Comment is five federal cases that each discussed implicit bias extensively and together represent the most developed legal precedent on the admissibility of implicit bias evidence. .
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